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			{{short description|West Germanic language}}
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			{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2024}}
			{{Use British English|date=July 2014}}
			{{Infobox language
			| name = English
			| pronunciation = {{IPAc-en|ˈ|ɪ|ŋ|ɡ|l|ᵻ|ʃ}}{{sfn|Oxford Learner's Dictionary|2015|loc=Entry: }}
			| states = The ], including the {{enum|]|]|]|]|]|]|]}}
			| speakers = ]: {{nowrap|380 million}}
			| speakers_label = Speakers
			| date = 2021
			| ref = <ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ethnologue.com/insights/ethnologue200/|title=What are the top 200 most spoken languages?|website=Ethnologue|date=2023|access-date=3 October 2023|archive-date=18 June 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230618002011/https://www.ethnologue.com/insights/ethnologue200/|url-status=live}}</ref>
			| speakers2 = {{plainlist|
			* ]: {{nowrap|1.077 billion}} (2021)<ref name="ethnologue">{{e26|eng|English}}</ref>
			* ]: 1.457 billion}}
			| familycolor = Indo-European
			| fam2 = ]
			| fam3 = ]
			| fam4 = ]
			| fam5 = ]
			| fam6 = ]
			| ancestor = ]
			| ancestor2 = ]
			| ancestor3 = ]
			| ancestor4 = ]
			| ancestor5 = ]
			| script = {{plainlist|
			* ] (])
			* ] (historical)
			* ], ]
			}}
			| nation = {{Collapsible list|titlestyle=font-weight:normal; background:transparent; text-align:left|title=]|
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			}}<br />{{Collapsible list|titlestyle=font-weight:normal; background:transparent; text-align:left|title=]|
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			}}<br />{{Collapsible list|titlestyle=font-weight:normal; background:transparent; text-align:left|title=]|
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			}}<br />{{Collapsible list|titlestyle=font-weight:normal; background:transparent; text-align:left|title=Various organisations|
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			}}
			| iso1 = en
			| iso2 = eng
			| iso3 = eng
			| lingua = 52-ABA
			| notice = IPA
			| sign = ] {{nwr|(multiple systems)}}
			| glotto = stan1293
			| glottorefname = English
			| mapscale = 1.25
			| map = Anglospeak (subnational version).svg
			| mapcaption = {{legend|#004288|Countries and territories where English is the native language of the majority}}
			{{legend|#79c1ff|Countries and territories where English is an official or administrative language but not a majority native language}}
			}}
	{{English language}}		{{English language}}
	'''English''' is a ] that arose in ] and south-eastern ] in the time of the ]. Following the economic, political, military, scientific, cultural, and colonial influence of ] and the ] from the 18th century, and of the ] since the mid 20th century,<ref>], pp.&nbsp;2245–2247.</ref><ref>], p.&nbsp;1.</ref><ref>], p.&nbsp;21.</ref><ref>], pp.&nbsp;127–133.</ref> it has been ] around the world, become the ] of international discourse, and has acquired use as '']'' in many regions.<ref>], pp.&nbsp;87–89.</ref><ref>], p.&nbsp;60.</ref> It is widely learned as a ] and used as an ] of the ] and many ] countries, as well as in many world organisations.
			'''English''' is a ] in the ], whose speakers, called ], originated in ] on the island of ].{{sfn|The Routes of English}}{{sfn|Crystal|2003a|p=6}}{{sfn|Wardhaugh|2010|p=55}} The namesake of the language is the ], one of the ancient ] that ]. It is the ] in the world, primarily due to the global influences of the former ] (succeeded by the ]) and the ].<ref>Salome, Rosemary (2022). ''''. Oxford University Press, pp. 6–7.</ref> English is the ], after ] and ];{{sfn|Ethnologue|2010}} it is also the most widely learned ] in the world, with more second-language speakers than native speakers.
	Historically, English originated from several dialects, now collectively termed ], which were brought to the eastern coast of the ] by ] settlers beginning in the 5th century.{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}} English was further influenced by the ] of ] invaders.
			English is either the official language or one of the official languages in ] (such as ], ], and ]). In some other countries, it is the sole or dominant language for historical reasons without being explicitly defined by law (such as in the United States and ]).{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|pp=108–109}} It is a ], the ], and many other international and regional organisations. It has also become the de facto ] of diplomacy, ], technology, international trade, logistics, tourism, aviation, entertainment, and the ].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/18/books/review/the-rise-of-english-rosemary-salomone.html|title=How the English Language Conquered the World|last=Chua|first=Amy|website=]|date=18 January 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220301222132/https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/18/books/review/the-rise-of-english-rosemary-salomone.html|archive-date=1 March 2022|url-status=live}}</ref> English accounts for at least 70% of total speakers of the ] branch, and {{asof|2021|lc=y}}, '']'' estimated that there were over 1.5&nbsp;billion speakers worldwide.<ref name="ethnologue" />
	After the time of the ], Old English developed into ], borrowing heavily from the ] vocabulary and spelling conventions. The etymology of the word "English" is a derivation from the 12th century Old English ''englisc'' from ''Engle'', " ]".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/English |title=English - Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary |publisher=Merriam-webster.com |date=2007-04-25 |accessdate=2010-01-02}}</ref>
			] emerged from a group of West Germanic dialects spoken by the ]. Late Old English borrowed some grammar and core vocabulary from ], a ].<ref name="Wolff">{{cite book |last=Finkenstaedt |first=Thomas |author2=Dieter Wolff |title=Ordered profusion; studies in dictionaries and the English lexicon |publisher=C. Winter |year=1973 |isbn=978-3-533-02253-4}}</ref>{{sfn|Bammesberger|1992|p=30}}{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|p=39}} Then, ] borrowed vocabulary extensively from ], which are the source of approximately ], and from ], which is ].<ref>{{cite book |doi=10.1017/chol9780521264754.006 |chapter=Lexis and Semantics |title=The Cambridge History of the English Language |date=1992 |last1=Burnley |first1=David |pages=409–499 |isbn=978-1-139-05553-6 |editor-first1=Norman |editor-last1=Blake |quote=Latin and French each account for a little more than 28 per cent of the lexis recorded in the ] (Finkenstaedt & Wolff 1973) }}</ref> As such, though most of its total vocabulary comes from ], Modern English's grammar, phonology, and most commonly used words in everyday use keep it ] classified under the Germanic branch. It exists on a ] with ] and is then most closely related to the ] and ].
	] developed with the ] that began in 15th-century England, and continues to adopt foreign words from a variety of languages, as well as coining new words. A significant number of English words, especially technical words, have been constructed based on roots from ] and ].
			== Classification ==
	==Significance==
			[[File:Europe germanic-languages 2.PNG|thumb|
	{{See also|English-speaking world|Anglosphere}}
			''']'''
	Modern English, sometimes described as the first global ],<ref>{{cite web |title=Global English: gift or curse? |url=http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract;jsessionid=92238D4607726060BCBD3DB70C472D0F.tomcat1?fromPage=online&aid=291932 |accessdate=2005-04-04}}</ref><ref name = "Graddol"/> is the ] or in some instances even the required ] of communications, science, business, aviation, entertainment, radio and diplomacy.<ref name="triumph">{{cite news |url=http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?Story_ID=883997 |title=The triumph of English |accessdate=2007-03-26 |date=2001-12-20 |publisher=The Economist }}{{subscription}}</ref> Its spread beyond the ] began with the growth of the ], and by the late nineteenth century its reach was truly global.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.ehistling-pub.meotod.de/01_lec06.php |title=Lecture 7: World-Wide English |accessdate=2007-03-26|publisher=<sub>E</sub>HistLing }}</ref> Following the British colonisation of North America, it became the dominant language in the United States and in Canada. The growing economic and cultural influence of the United States and its status as a global superpower since World War II have significantly accelerated the language's spread across the planet.<ref name="Graddol">{{cite web |url=http://www.britishcouncil.org/de/learning-elt-future.pdf |format=PDF|title=The Future of English? |accessdate=2007-04-15 |year=1997 |author=] |publisher=The British Council }}</ref>
			{{legend|#FFA500|English}}
			{{legend|#FF8C00|]}}
			within the ''']''', which also include
			{{legend|#FFD700|] (], ], ]);}} within the ''']''', which also include
			{{legend|#7FFF00|]/Saxon;}}
			within the ''']''', which also include
			{{legend|#FFFF00|] in Europe and ] in Africa}}
			......] (]):
			{{legend|#00FF00|]; in ]: ]}}
			{{legend|#008000|]}}
			...... ]]]
			] language family]]
			English is an ] and belongs to the ] group of the ].{{sfn|Bammesberger|1992|pp=29–30}} ] originated from a Germanic tribal and ] along the ]n ] coast, whose languages gradually evolved into the ] in the ], and into the Frisian languages and ]/Low Saxon on the continent. The Frisian languages, which together with the Anglic languages form the ], are the closest living relatives of English. Low German/Low Saxon is also closely related, and sometimes English, the Frisian languages, and Low German are grouped together as the ] languages, though this grouping remains debated.{{sfn|Bammesberger|1992|p=30}} Old English evolved into ], which in turn evolved into Modern English.{{sfn|Robinson|1992}} Particular dialects of Old and Middle English also developed into a number of other Anglic languages, including ]{{sfn|Romaine|1982|pp=56–65}} and the extinct ] and ]s of Ireland.{{sfn|Barry|1982|pp=86–87}}
			Like ] and ], the development of English in the British Isles isolated it from the continental Germanic languages and influences, and it has since diverged considerably. English is not ] with any continental Germanic language, as it differs in ], ], and ]. However, some of these, such as Dutch or Frisian, do show strong affinities with English, especially with its earlier stages.{{sfn|Harbert|2006}}{{pn|date=July 2024}}
	A working knowledge of English has become a requirement in a number of fields, occupations and professions such as medicine and computing; as a consequence over a billion people speak English to at least a basic level (see ]). It is also one of six official languages of the ].
			Unlike Icelandic and Faroese, which were isolated, the development of English was influenced by a long series of invasions of the British Isles by other peoples and languages, particularly ] and ]. These left a profound mark of their own on the language, so that English shows some similarities in vocabulary and grammar with many languages outside its linguistic ]s—but it is not mutually intelligible with any of those languages either. Some scholars have argued that English can be considered a ] or a ]—a theory called the ]. Although the great influence of these languages on the vocabulary and grammar of Modern English is widely acknowledged, most specialists in language contact do not consider English to be a true mixed language.{{sfn|Thomason|Kaufman|1988|pp=264–265}}{{sfn|Watts|2011|loc=Chapter 4}}
	One impact of the growth of English has been to reduce native ] in many parts of the world, and its influence continues to play an important role in ].<ref name="Crystal-LanguageDeath">{{cite book | last = Crystal | first = David | authorlink = David Crystal | title = Language Death | publisher = ] | year = 2002 | doi = 10.2277/0521012716 | isbn = 0521012716 }}</ref> Conversely the natural internal variety of English along with ] and ]s have the potential to produce new distinct languages from English over time.<ref name="Cheshire">{{cite book | last = Cheshire | first = Jenny | authorlink = Jenny Cheshire | title = English Around The World: Sociolinguistic Perspectives | publisher = ] | year = 1991 | doi = 10.2277/0521395658 | isbn = 0521395658 }}</ref>
			English is classified as a Germanic language because it shares ]s with other Germanic languages including ], ], and ].{{sfn|Durrell|2006}} These shared innovations show that the languages have descended from a single common ancestor called ]. Some shared features of Germanic languages include the division of verbs into ] and ] classes, the use of ]s, and the sound changes affecting ] consonants, known as ] and ]s. English is classified as an Anglo-Frisian language because Frisian and English share other features, such as the ] of consonants that were velar consonants in Proto-Germanic (see {{section link|Phonological history of Old English|Palatalization}}).{{sfn|König|van der Auwera|1994}}
	==History==
	{{Main|History of the English language}}
	English is a ] language that originated from the ] and ] dialects brought to ] by Germanic settlers and Roman auxiliary troops from various parts of what is now northwest Germany, Denmark and the Netherlands in the 5th century{{Citation needed|date=May 2010}}. Up to that point, in ] the native population is assumed to have spoken the ] ] alongside the ]al influence of Latin&mdash;the Roman influence having been extant for 400 years.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Blench |first1=R.|last2=Spriggs |first2=Matthew |title=Archaeology and language: correlating archaeological and linguistic hypotheses |page=285 |year=1999 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=0415117616 |url=http://books.google.com/?id=DWMHhfXxLaIC&pg=PA285&dq=brythonic+language&cd=1#v=onepage&q=brythonic%20language }}</ref>
			== History ==
	One of these incoming Germanic tribes was the ],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.anglik.net/englishlanguagehistory.htm |title=Anglik English language resource |publisher=Anglik.net |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> who ] wrote moved entirely to Britain from their previous home<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ccel.org/ccel/bede/history.v.i.xiv.html |title=Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England &#124; Christian Classics Ethereal Library |publisher=Ccel.org |date=2005-06-01 |accessdate=2010-01-02}}</ref>. The names 'England' (from ''Engla land'' "Land of the Angles") and ''English'' (Old English ''Englisc'') are derived from the name of this tribe&mdash;but ], ] and a range of Germanic peoples from the coasts of ], ], ] and Southern ] also moved to Britain in this era.<ref>{{cite book|last=Collingwood|first=R. G.|authorlink=R. G. Collingwood|coauthors=et al|title=Roman Britain and English Settlements|publisher=Clarendon|location=Oxford, England|year=1936|pages=325 et&nbsp;sec|chapter=The English Settlements. The Sources for the period: Angles, Saxons, and Jutes on the Continent}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.utexas.edu/cola/centers/lrc/eieol/engol-0-X.html |title=Linguistics research center Texas University |publisher=Utexas.edu |date=2009-02-20 |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ucalgary.ca/applied_history/tutor/firsteuro/invas.html |title=The Germanic Invasions of Western Europe, Calgary University |publisher=Ucalgary.ca |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref>
			{{Main|History of English}}
			=== Overview of history ===
	Initially, Old English was a diverse group of dialects, reflecting the varied origins of the ]<ref>David Graddol, Dick Leith, and Joan Swann, ''English: History, Diversity and Change'' (New York: Routledge, 1996), 101.</ref> but one of these dialects, ], eventually came to dominate, and it is in this that the famous epic poem ] is written.
			The earliest varieties of an English language, collectively known as ] or "Anglo-Saxon", evolved from a group of ] dialects brought to Britain in the 5th century. Old English dialects were later influenced by ]-speaking ], starting in the 8th and 9th centuries. ] began in the late 11th century after the ] of England, when a considerable amount of ] vocabulary was incorporated into English over some three centuries.<ref name="Ian Short 2007">{{cite book | last=Short | first=Ian | title=A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World | chapter=Language and Literature | publisher=Boydell and Brewer Limited | date=2002-01-01 | isbn=978-1-84615-046-3 | doi=10.1017/9781846150463.011 | pages=191–214}}</ref>{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|p=30}}
			] began in the late 15th century with the start of the ] and the ] trend of borrowing further ] and ] words and roots, concurrent with the introduction of the ] to London. This era notably culminated in the ] and ].{{sfn|How English evolved into a global language|2010}}<ref>{{britannica URL|topic/English-language/Historical-background|English language: Historical background}}</ref> The printing press greatly standardised English spelling,<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Upward |first1=Christopher |title=The History of English Spelling |last2=Davidson |first2=George |publisher=Wiley-Blackwell |year=2011 |isbn=978-1-405-19024-4 |location=Oxford |page=84}}</ref> which has remained largely unchanged since then, despite a wide variety of later sound shifts in English dialects.
	Old English was soon transformed by two waves of invasion. The first was by speakers of the ] language branch when ] and ] started the conquering and colonisation of northern parts of the British Isles in the 8th and 9th centuries (see ]). The second was by speakers of the ] ] in the 11th centuary with the ]. Norman developed into ], and then ] - and introduced a layer of words especially via the courts and government. As well as extending the lexicon with Scandinavian and Norman words these two events also simplified the grammar and transformed English into a borrowing language&mdash;more than normally open to accept new words from other languages.
			Modern English has spread around the world since the 17th century as a consequence of the worldwide influence of the ] and the United States. Through all types of printed and electronic media in these countries, English has become the leading language of international ] and the ] in many regions and professional contexts such as science, ], and law.{{sfn|The Routes of English}} Its ] is the result of a gradual change from a ] pattern typical of ] with a rich ] and relatively ] to a mostly ] pattern with little inflection and a fairly fixed ].{{sfn|König|1994|page=539}} Modern English relies more on ]s and ] for the expression of complex ], ]s and ]s, as well as ]s, ]s, and some ].
	The linguistic shifts in English following the Norman invasion,produced what is now referred to as ], with ]'s '']'' being the best known work.
			=== Proto-Germanic to Old English ===
	Throughout all this period Latin in some form was the ] of European intellectual life, first the ] of the Christian Church, but later the ] ], and those that wrote or copied texts in Latin<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.spiritus-temporis.com/old-english-language/latin-influence.html |title=Old English language - Latin influence |publisher=Spiritus-temporis.com |date= |accessdate=2010-01-02}}</ref> commonly coined new terms from Latin to refer to things or concepts for which there was no existing native English word.
			{{Main|Old English}}
			]'', an Old English epic poem ] in ] script between 975 AD and 1025 AD: {{lang|ang|Hƿæt ƿē Gārde/na ingēar dagum þēod cyninga / þrym ge frunon...}} ("Listen! We of the Spear-Danes from days of yore have heard of the glory of the folk-kings...")]]
			The earliest form of English is called ] or Anglo-Saxon ({{Circa|450–1150}}). Old English developed from a set of ] dialects, often grouped as ] or ], and originally spoken along the coasts of ], Lower Saxony and southern ] by Germanic peoples known to the historical record as the ], ], and ].<ref>Baugh, Albert (1951). A History of the English Language. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 60–83, 110–130</ref> From the 5th century, the Anglo-Saxons ] as ]. By the 7th century, this Germanic language of the Anglo-Saxons ], replacing the languages of ] (43–409): ], a ], and ], brought to Britain by the Roman occupation.{{sfn|Collingwood|Myres|1936}}{{sfn|Graddol|Leith|Swann et al.|2007}}{{sfn|Blench|Spriggs|1999}} At this time, these dialects generally resisted influence from the then-local Brittonic and Latin languages. ''England'' and ''English'' (originally {{lang|ang|Ænglaland}} and {{lang|ang|Ænglisc}}) are both named after the Angles.{{sfn|Bosworth|Toller|1921}} English may have a small amount of ] influence from Common Brittonic, and a number of possible ] have been proposed, but whether most of these supposed Brittonicisms are actually a direct result of Brittonic substrate influence is disputed.
			Old English was divided into four dialects: the Anglian dialects (] and ]) and the Saxon dialects (] and ]).{{sfn|Campbell|1959|p=4}} Through the educational reforms of ] in the 9th century and the influence of the kingdom of ], the West Saxon dialect became the ].{{sfn|Toon|1992|loc=Chapter: Old English Dialects}} The ] '']'' is written in West Saxon, and the earliest English poem, '']'', is written in Northumbrian.{{sfn|Donoghue|2008}} Modern English developed mainly from Mercian, but the ] developed from Northumbrian. A few short inscriptions from the early period of Old English were written using a ].{{sfn|Gneuss |2013|p=23}} By the 6th century, a ] was adopted, written with ] ]s. It included the runic letters '']'' {{angbr|{{lang|ang|ƿ}}}} and '']'' {{angbr|{{lang|ang|þ}}}}, and the modified Latin letters '']'' {{angbr|{{lang|ang|ð}}}}, and '']'' {{angbr|{{lang|ang|æ}}}}.{{sfn|Gneuss |2013|p=23}}{{sfn|Denison|Hogg|2006|pp=30–31}}
	], that includes the works of ] and the ], is generally dated from about 1550, and as a result of the growth of the ] it was adopted in North America, India, Africa, Australia and many other regions&mdash;a trend extended with the emergence of the United States as a superpower in the mid-twentieth century.
			Old English is essentially a distinct language from Modern English and is virtually impossible for 21st-century unstudied English-speakers to understand. Its grammar was similar to that of modern German: ] had many more ], and word order was ] than in Modern English. Modern English has ] in pronouns (''he'', ''him'', ''his'') and has a few verb inflections (''speak'', ''speaks'', ''speaking'', ''spoke'', ''spoken''), but Old English had case endings in nouns as well, and verbs had more ] and ] endings.{{sfn|Hogg|1992|loc=Chapter 3. Phonology and Morphology}}{{sfn|Smith|2009}}{{sfn|Trask|Trask|2010}} Its closest relative is ], but even some centuries after the Anglo-Saxon migration, Old English retained considerable ] with other Germanic varieties. Even in the 9th and 10th centuries, amidst the ] and other ] invasions, there is historical evidence that Old Norse and Old English retained considerable mutual intelligibility,<ref name="Gay 2014">{{cite thesis |last1=Gay |first1=Eric Martin |title=Old English and Old Norse: An Inquiry into Intelligibility and Categorization Methodology |type=MA thesis |publisher=University of South Carolina |date=2014 |url=https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/2604/ |access-date=16 December 2022 |archive-date=16 December 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221216164617/https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/2604/ |url-status=live}}</ref> although probably the northern dialects of Old English were more similar to Old Norse than the southern dialects. Theoretically, as late as the 900s&nbsp;AD, a commoner from certain (northern) parts of England could hold a conversation with a commoner from certain parts of Scandinavia. Research continues into the details of the myriad tribes in peoples in England and Scandinavia and the mutual contacts between them.<ref name="Gay 2014" />
	==Classification and related languages==
			The translation of ] from 1000 shows examples of case endings (] plural, ] plural, ] singular) and a verb ending (] plural):
	The English language belongs to the ] sub-group of the ] branch of the ], a member of the ]. The closest living relatives of English are the ], spoken primarily in ] and parts of ], and ], spoken on the southern fringes of the ] in ], the ], and ]. As Scots is viewed by some linguists to be a group of English dialects rather than a separate language, Frisian is often considered to be the closest living relative.
			* {{lang|ang|Foxas habbað holu and heofonan fuglas nest}}
			* Fox-as habb-að hol-u and heofon-an fugl-as nest-∅
			* fox-{{sc|NOM.PL}} have-{{sc|PRS.PL}} hole-{{sc|ACC.PL}} and heaven-{{sc|GEN.SG}} bird-{{sc|NOM.PL}} nest-{{sc|ACC.PL}}
			* "Foxes have holes and the birds of heaven nests"{{sfn|Lass|2006|pp=46–47}}
			=== Influence of Old Norse ===
	After Scots and Frisian, come those Germanic languages that are more distantly related: the non-Anglo-Frisian ] (], ], ], ]), and the ] (], ], ], ], and ]). With the exception of Scots, and on an extremely basic level, Frisian, none of the other languages is mutually intelligible with English, owing in part to the divergences in ], ], ], and ], and to the isolation afforded to the English language by the British Isles, although some such as Dutch do show strong affinities with English, especially to earlier stages of the language. Dutch, for example, is most similar to ], while German and Icelandic are more like ]. This isolation has allowed English and Scots to develop independently of the Continental Germanic languages and their influences over time.<ref>A History of the Entlish Language|Page: 336 | By: Albert C. Baugh and Thomas Cable | Publisher: Routledge; 5 edition (March 21, 2002)</ref>
			From the 8th to the 11th centuries, Old English gradually ] through ] with ] in some regions. The waves of Norse (Viking) colonisation of northern parts of the British Isles in the 8th and 9th centuries put Old English into intense contact with ], a ] language. Norse influence was strongest in the north-eastern varieties of Old English spoken in the ] area around York, which was the centre of Norse colonisation; today these features are still particularly present in ] and ]. The centre of Norsified English was in the ] around ]. After 920&nbsp;CE, when Lindsey was incorporated into the Anglo-Saxon polity, English spread extensively throughout the region.
			An element of Norse influence that continues in all English varieties today is the third person pronoun group beginning with ''th-'' (''they, them, their'') which replaced the Anglo-Saxon pronouns with {{lang|ang|h-}} ({{lang|ang|hie, him, hera}}).{{sfn|Thomason|Kaufman|1988|pp=284–290}} Other core ] include "give", "get", "sky", "skirt", "egg", and "cake", typically displacing a native Anglo-Saxon equivalent. Old Norse in this era retained considerable mutual intelligibility with some dialects of Old English, particularly northern ones.
	Lexical differences with the other Germanic languages have arisen from several causes, such as natural semantic drift caused by isolation, and heavy usage in English of words taken from Latin (for example, "exit", vs. Dutch ''uitgang'') (literally "out-gang" with "gang" as in "gangway") and French "change" vs. German ''Änderung'', "movement" vs. German ''Bewegung'' (literally "othering" and "be-way-ing" ("proceeding along the way")).
	Preference of one synonym over another has also caused a differentiation in lexis, even where both words are Germanic (for instance, both English ''care'' and German ''Sorge'' descend from Proto-Germanic *''karo'' and *''surgo'' respectively, but *''karo'' became the dominant word in English for "care" while in German, Dutch, and Scandinavian languages, the *''surgo'' root prevailed. *''Surgo'' still survives in English as ''sorrow'').
			=== Middle English ===
	Although the syntax of German is significantly different from that of English and other Germanic languages, with different rules for setting up sentences (for example, German ''Ich '''habe''' noch nie etwas auf dem Platz '''gesehen''''', vs. English "I '''have''' never '''seen''' anything in the square"), English syntax remains extremely similar to that of the North Germanic languages, which are believed to have influenced English syntax during the Middle English Period (e.g., Norwegian ''Jeg '''har''' likevel aldri '''sett''' noe på torget''; Swedish ''Jag '''har''' ännu aldrig '''sett''' något på torget''). It is for this reason that despite a lack of mutual intelligibility, English-speakers and Scandinavians are able to learn one anothers' languages with relative ease.{{Citation needed|date=December 2009}}
			{{Main|Middle English|Influence of French on English}}
			] in ], the world's oldest English-speaking university and world's ], founded in 1096]]
			] in ], the world's second-oldest English-speaking university and world's third-oldest university, founded in 1209]]
			{{Quote box |align=center |quoted=true |
			|salign=center
			|quote={{lang|enm|Englischmen þeyz hy hadde fram þe bygynnyng þre manner speche, Souþeron, Northeron, and Myddel speche in þe myddel of þe lond, ... Noþeles by comyxstion and mellyng, furst wiþ Danes, and afterward wiþ Normans, in menye þe contray longage ys asperyed, and som vseþ strange wlaffyng, chyteryng, harryng, and garryng grisbytting.}}<br /><br />Although, from the beginning, Englishmen had three manners of speaking, southern, northern and midlands speech in the middle of the country, ... Nevertheless, through intermingling and mixing, first with Danes and then with Normans, amongst many the country language has arisen, and some use strange stammering, chattering, snarling, and grating gnashing.
			|source= ], {{Circa|1385}}{{sfn|Hogg|2006|pp=360–361}}
			}}
			Middle English is often arbitrarily defined as beginning with the ] by ] in 1066, but it developed further in the period from 1150 to 1500.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Fuster-Márquez |first1=Miguel |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QQLBqKjxuvAC |title=A Practical Introduction to the History of English |last2=Calvo García de Leonardo |first2=Juan José |publisher=Universitat de València |year=2011 |isbn=9788437083216 |location= |page=21 |access-date=19 December 2017}}</ref>
			With the Norman conquest of England in 1066, the now-Norsified Old English language was subject to another wave of intense contact, this time with ], in particular ], influencing it as a superstrate. The Norman French spoken by the elite in England eventually developed into the ].<ref name="Ian Short 2007"/> Because Norman was spoken primarily by the elites and nobles, while the lower classes continued speaking English, the main influence of Norman was the introduction of a wide range of ]s related to politics, legislation and prestigious social domains.{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|p=39}}{{examples needed|date=December 2024}} Middle English also greatly simplified the inflectional system, probably in order to reconcile Old Norse and Old English, which were inflectionally different but morphologically similar. The distinction between nominative and accusative cases was lost except in personal pronouns, the instrumental case was dropped, and the use of the genitive case was limited to indicating ]. The inflectional system regularised many irregular inflectional forms,{{sfn|Lass|1992|pp=103–123}} and gradually simplified the system of agreement, making word order less flexible.{{sfn|Fischer|van der Wurff|2006|pages=111–13}}
	Dutch syntax is intermediate between English and German (e.g. ''Ik '''heb''' nog nooit iets '''gezien''' op het plein''). In spite of this difference, there are many similarities between English and other Germanic languages (e.g. English ''bring/brought/brought'', Dutch ''brengen/bracht/gebracht'', Norwegian ''bringe/brakte/brakt''; English ''eat/ate/eaten'', Dutch ''eten/at/gegeten'', Norwegian ''ete/åt/ett''), with the most similarities occurring between English and the languages of the Low Countries (Dutch and Low German) and Scandinavia.
			The transition from Old to Middle English can be placed during the writing of the '']''.<ref name="Johannesson2">{{Cite book |last1=Johannesson |first1=Nils-Lennart |title=Ormulum |last2=Cooper |first2=Andrew |date=2023 |url= https://reunido.uniovi.es/index.php/SELIM/article/download/20530/16515 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-289043-6 |series=Early English text society |location=Oxford}}</ref> The oldest Middle English texts that were written by the ] ], which highlights the blending of both Old English and Anglo-Norman elements in English for the first time.
	Semantic differences cause a number of ] between English and its relatives&mdash;e.g., English ''time'' vs Norwegian ''time'' ("hour"), and differences in phonology can obscure words that really are related (''enough'' vs. German ''genug'', Danish ''nok''). Sometimes both semantics ''and'' phonology are different (German ''Zeit'' ("time") is related to English "tide", but the English word, through a transitional phase of meaning "period"/"interval", has come primarily to mean gravitational effects on the ocean by the moon, though the original meaning is preserved in forms like ''tidings'' and ''betide'', and phrases such as ''to tide over''). {{Citation needed|date=April 2008}} These differences, though minor, preclude mutual intelligibility, yet English is still much closer to other Germanic languages than to languages of any other family.
			In Wycliff'e Bible of the 1380s, the verse Matthew 8:20 was written: {{lang|enm|Foxis han dennes, and briddis of heuene han nestis}}.<ref>{{cite web |last=Wycliffe |first=John |url=http://wesley.nnu.edu/fileadmin/imported_site/wycliffe/wycbible-all.pdf |publisher=Wesley NNU |title=Bible |access-date=9 April 2015 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202202047/http://wesley.nnu.edu/fileadmin/imported_site/wycliffe/wycbible-all.pdf |url-status=live}}</ref> Here the plural suffix {{lang|enm|-n}} on the verb ''have'' is still retained, but none of the case endings on the nouns are present. By the 12th century Middle English was fully developed, integrating both Norse and French features; it continued to be spoken until the transition to early Modern English around 1500. Middle English literature includes ]'s '']'', and ]'s '']''. In the Middle English period, the use of regional dialects in writing proliferated, and dialect traits were even used for effect by authors such as Chaucer.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Horobin |first1=Simon |title=Chaucer's Middle English |url=https://opencanterburytales.dsl.lsu.edu/refmideng/ |website=The Open Access Companion to the Canterbury Tales |publisher=Louisiana State University |access-date=24 November 2019 |quote=The only appearances of their and them in Chaucer's works are in the Reeve's Tale, where they form part of the Northern dialect spoken by the two Cambridge students, Aleyn and John, demonstrating that at this time they were still perceived to be Northernisms |archive-date=3 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191203092713/https://opencanterburytales.dsl.lsu.edu/refmideng/ |url-status=live}}</ref>
	Finally, English has been forming compound words and affixing existing words separately from the other Germanic languages for over 1500 years and has different habits in that regard. For instance, abstract nouns in English may be formed from native words by the suffixes "‑hood", "-ship", "-dom" and "-ness". All of these have cognate suffixes in most or all other Germanic languages, but their usage patterns have diverged, as German "Freiheit" vs. English "freedom" (the suffix "-heit" being cognate of English "-hood", while English "-dom" is cognate with German "-tum"). The Germanic languages Icelandic and Faroese also follow English in this respect, since, like English, they developed independent of German influences.
			=== Early Modern English ===
	Many written ] words are also intelligible to an English speaker (though pronunciations are often quite different) because English absorbed a large vocabulary from ] and French, via ] after the Norman Conquest and directly from French in subsequent centuries. As a result, a large portion of English vocabulary is derived from French, with some minor spelling differences (word endings, use of old French spellings, etc.), as well as occasional divergences in meaning of so-called false friends: for example, compare "]" with the French "librairie", which means ]; in French, the word for "library" is "bibliothèque".
			{{Main|Early Modern English}}
			] showing how the pronunciation of the long vowels gradually shifted with the high vowels i: and u: breaking into diphthongs and the lower vowels each shifting their pronunciation up one level]]
			The next period in the history of English was Early Modern English (1500–1700). Early Modern English was characterised by the ] (1350–1700), inflectional simplification, and linguistic standardisation.
			The Great Vowel Shift affected the stressed long vowels of Middle English. It was a ], meaning that each shift triggered a subsequent shift in the vowel system. ] and ]s were ], and ]s were ] into ]s. For example, the word ''bite'' was originally pronounced as the word ''beet'' is today, and the second vowel in the word ''about'' was pronounced as the word ''boot'' is today. The Great Vowel Shift explains many irregularities in spelling since English retains many spellings from Middle English, and it also explains why English vowel letters have very different pronunciations from the same letters in other languages.{{sfn|Lass|2000}}{{sfn|Görlach|1991|pp=66–70}}
	The pronunciation of most French loanwords in English (with exceptions such as ''mirage'' or phrases like ''coup d’état'') has become completely anglicised and follows a typically English pattern of stress. {{Citation needed|date=April 2008}} Some North Germanic words also entered English because of the Danish invasion shortly before then (see ]); these include words such as "sky" (that now forms a false friendship with Danish ''sky'' meaning "cloud"), "window", "egg", and even "they" (and its forms) and "are" (the present plural form of "to be"). {{Citation needed|date=April 2008}}
			English began to rise in prestige, relative to Norman French, during the reign of ]. Around 1430, the ] in ] began using English in its ]s, and a new standard form of Middle English, known as ], developed from the dialects of London and the ]. In 1476, ] introduced the ] to England and began publishing the first printed books in London, expanding the influence of this form of English.{{sfn|Nevalainen|Tieken-Boon van Ostade|2006|pages=274–79}} Literature from the Early Modern period includes the works of ] and the ] commissioned by ]. Even after the vowel shift the language still sounded different from Modern English: for example, the ]s {{IPA|/kn ɡn sw/}} in ''knight'', ''gnat'', and ''sword'' were still pronounced. Many of the grammatical features that a modern reader of Shakespeare might find quaint or archaic represent the distinct characteristics of Early Modern English.{{sfn|Cercignani|1981}}
	==Geographical distribution==
	{{See also| List of countries by English-speaking population}}
	]
			In the 1611 ] of the Bible, written in Early Modern English, Matthew 8:20 says, "The Foxes haue holes and the birds of the ayre haue nests."{{sfn|Lass|2006|pp=46–47}} This exemplifies the loss of case and its effects on sentence structure (replacement with subject–verb–object word order, and the use of ''of'' instead of the non-possessive genitive), and the introduction of loanwords from French (''ayre'') and word replacements (''bird'' originally meaning "nestling" had replaced OE ''fugol'').{{sfn|Lass|2006|pp=46–47}}
	Approximately 375 million people speak English as their first language.<ref>Curtis, Andy. ''Color, Race, And English Language Teaching: Shades of Meaning''. 2006, page 192.</ref> English today is probably the third largest language by number of native speakers, after ] and ].<ref name = "ethnologue"></ref><ref name = "CIA World Factbook">, Field Listing&nbsp;— Languages (World).</ref> However, when combining native and non-native speakers it is probably the most commonly spoken language in the world, though possibly second to a combination of the ]s (depending on whether or not distinctions in the latter are classified as "languages" or "dialects").<ref name = "Languages of the World">, Comrie (1998), Weber (1997), and the Summer Institute for Linguistics (SIL) 1999 Ethnologue Survey. Available at </ref><ref name=Mair>{{cite journal|url=http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp029_chinese_dialect.pdf|format=PDF|journal=Sino-Platonic Papers|last=Mair|first=Victor H.|authorlink=Victor H. Mair|title=What Is a Chinese "Dialect/Topolect"? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic Terms|year=1991}}</ref>
			=== Spread of Modern English ===
	Estimates that include ] speakers vary greatly from 470 million to over a billion depending on how ] or mastery is defined and measured.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://columbia.tfd.com/English+language |title=English language |accessdate=2007-03-26 |year=2005 |publisher=Columbia University Press }}</ref><ref>{{dead link|date=April 2010}}</ref> Linguistics professor ] calculates that non-native speakers now outnumber native speakers by a ratio of 3 to 1.<ref>{{Cite book | last = Crystal | first = David | author-link = David Crystal | title = English as a Global Language | edition = 2nd | place = | publisher = Cambridge University Press | page = 69 | year = 2003 | url = http://books.google.com/?id=d6jPAKxTHRYC | isbn = 9780521530323}}, cited in
			By the late 18th century, the ] had spread English through its colonies and geopolitical dominance. Commerce, science and technology, diplomacy, art, and formal education all contributed to English becoming the first truly global language. English also facilitated worldwide international communication.{{sfn|How English evolved into a global language|2010}}{{sfn|The Routes of English}} English was adopted in parts of North America, parts of Africa, Oceania, and many other regions. When they obtained political independence, some of the newly independent ]s that had multiple ]s opted to continue using English as the official language to avoid the political and other difficulties inherent in promoting any one indigenous language above the others.{{sfn|Romaine|2006|p=586}}{{sfn|Mufwene|2006|p=614}}{{sfn|Northrup|2013|pp=81–86}} In the 20th century the growing economic and cultural influence of the United States and its status as a superpower following the Second World War has, along with worldwide broadcasting in English by the ]<ref>{{cite book |last=Baker |first=Colin |title=Encyclopedia of Bilingualism and Bilingual Education |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YgtSqB9oqDIC&pg=PA311 |date=1998 |page=311 |publisher=Multilingual Matters |isbn=978-1-85359-362-8 |access-date=27 August 2017 |archive-date=6 November 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231106204829/https://books.google.com/books?id=YgtSqB9oqDIC&pg=PA311 |url-status=live}}</ref> and other broadcasters, caused the language to spread across the planet much faster.{{sfn|Graddol|2006}}{{sfn|Crystal|2003a}} In the 21st century, English is more widely spoken and written than any language has ever been.{{sfn|McCrum|MacNeil|Cran|2003|pp=9–10}}
	{{Cite journal | last = Power | first = Carla | title = Not the Queen's English | journal = Newsweek | date = 7 March 2005 | url = http://www.newsweek.com/id/49022}}</ref>
			As Modern English developed, explicit norms for standard usage were published, and spread through official media such as public education and state-sponsored publications. In 1755, ] published his '']'', which introduced standard spellings of words and usage norms. In 1828, ] published the '']'' to try to establish a norm for speaking and writing American English that was independent of the British standard. Within Britain, non-standard or lower class dialect features were increasingly stigmatised, leading to the quick spread of the prestige varieties among the middle classes.{{sfn|Romaine|1999|pp=1–56}}
	The countries with the highest populations of native English speakers are, in descending order: ] (215 million),<ref name="US speakers">{{cite web|url=http://www.census.gov/prod/2005pubs/06statab/pop.pdf|title=U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2003, Section 1 Population|format=PDF|publisher=U.S. Census Bureau|pages=59 pages}} Table 47 gives the figure of 214,809,000 for those five years old and over who speak exclusively English at home. Based on the American Community Survey, these results exclude those living communally (such as college dormitories, institutions, and group homes), and by definition exclude native English speakers who speak more than one language at home.</ref> ] (61 million),<ref name="Crystal">{{cite web|url=http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=0521530334 |title=The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language, Second Edition, Crystal, David; Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, , Census 2006, ].</ref> ] (15.5 million),<ref name="Australia speakers"> Main Language Spoken at Home. The figure is the number of people who only speak English at home.</ref> Nigeria (4 million),<ref>Figures are for speakers of ], an English-based pidgin or creole. Ihemere gives a range of roughly 3 to 5 million native speakers; the midpoint of the range is used in the table. Ihemere, Kelechukwu Uchechukwu. 2006. "" ''Nordic Journal of African Studies'' 15(3): 296–313.</ref> Ireland (3.8 million),<ref name="Crystal" /> South Africa (3.7 million),<ref name="SA speakers">, page 15 (Table 2.5), 2001 Census, ]</ref> and New Zealand (3.6 million) 2006 Census.<ref>{{cite web |title=About people, Language spoken |url=http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2006-census-data/classification-counts-tables/about-people/language-spoken.aspx |publisher=] |date=2006 census |accessdate=2009-09-28}} (links to Microsoft Excel files)</ref>
			In modern English, the loss of grammatical case is almost complete (it is now only found in pronouns, such as ''he'' and ''him'', ''she'' and ''her'', ''who'' and ''whom''), and SVO word order is mostly fixed.{{sfn|Romaine|1999|pp=1–56}} Some changes, such as the use of ], have become universalised. (Earlier English did not use the word "do" as a general auxiliary as Modern English does; at first it was only used in question constructions, and even then was not obligatory.{{sfn|Romaine|1999|p=2|ps=: "Other changes such as the spread and regularisation of do support began in the thirteenth century and were more or less complete in the nineteenth. Although do coexisted with the simple verb forms in negative statements from the early ninth century, obligatoriness was not complete until the nineteenth. The increasing use of do periphrasis coincides with the fixing of SVO word order. Not surprisingly, do is first widely used in interrogatives, where the word order is disrupted, and then later spread to negatives."}} Now, do-support with the verb ''have'' is becoming increasingly standardised.) The use of progressive forms in ''-ing'', appears to be spreading to new constructions, and forms such as ''had been being built'' are becoming more common. Regularisation of irregular forms also slowly continues (e.g. ''dreamed'' instead of ''dreamt''), and analytical alternatives to inflectional forms are becoming more common (e.g. ''more polite'' instead of ''politer''). British English is also undergoing change under the influence of American English, fuelled by the strong presence of American English in the media and the prestige associated with the United States as a world power.{{sfn|Leech|Hundt|Mair|Smith|2009|pp=18–19}}{{sfn|Mair|Leech|2006}}{{sfn|Mair|2006}}
	Countries such as the Philippines, Jamaica and Nigeria also have millions of native speakers of ] ranging from an ] to a more standard version of English. Of those nations where English is spoken as a second language, India has the most such speakers (']'). Crystal claims that, combining native and non-native speakers, India now has more people who speak or understand English than any other country in the world.<ref>, Crystal, David; Guardian Weekly: Friday 19 November 2004.</ref><ref>Yong Zhao; Keith P. Campbell (1995). "English in China". World Englishes 14 (3): 377–390. Hong Kong contributes an additional 2.5 million speakers (1996 by-census).</ref>
			== Geographical distribution ==
	===Countries in order of total speakers===
			{{See also|List of countries and territories where English is an official language|List of countries by English-speaking population|English-speaking world}}
	{| class="wikitable sortable" style="text-align:center;"
			]
	|-
			[[File:Detailed SVG map of the Anglophone world.svg|thumb|
	! Rank !! Country !! Total !! Percent of population !! First language !! As an additional language !! Population !! class="unsortable" | Comment
			{{legend|#045a8d|Majority native language}}
	|-
			{{legend|#0674b6|Co-official and majority native language}}
	|1|| ] ||251,388,301||96%||215,423,557||35,964,744||262,375,152||<small>Source: US Census 2000: , Table 1. Figure for second language speakers are respondents who reported they do not speak English at home but know it "very well" or "well". Note: figures are for population age 5 and older</small>
			{{legend|#439dd4|Official but minority native language}}
	|-
			{{legend|#9bbae1|Secondary language: spoken as a second language by more than 20% of the population, ''de facto'' working language of government, language of instruction in education, etc.}}
	|2|| ] ||125,344,736||12%||226,449||86,125,221 ''second'' language speakers.<br /> 38,993,066 ''third'' language speakers ||1,028,737,436||<small>Figures include both those who speak English as a ''second language'' and those who speak it as a ''third language''. 2001 figures.<ref>Table C-17: Population by Bilingualism and trilingualism, 2001 Census of India </ref><ref>Tropf, Herbert S. 2004.
			]]
	. Siemens AG, Munich</ref> The figures include English ''speakers'', but not English ''users''.<ref>For the distinction between "English Speakers" and "English Users", see: TESOL-India (Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages). Their article explains the difference between the 350 million number mentioned in a previous version of this Misplaced Pages article and a more plausible 90 million number: {{bquote|Misplaced Pages's India estimate of 350 million includes two categories - "English Speakers" and "English Users". The distinction between the Speakers and Users is that Users only know how to read English words while Speakers know how to read English, understand spoken English as well as form their own sentences to converse in English. The distinction becomes clear when you consider the China numbers. China has over 200~350 million users that can read English words but, as anyone can see on the streets of China, only handful of million who are English speakers.}}</ref>
			], and ], according to the 2016–2021 five-year ]]]
	|-
			] 2019 in Europe:<ref name="b783">{{cite web | title=EF English Proficiency Index 2019 | url=https://www.ef.com/assetscdn/WIBIwq6RdJvcD9bc8RMd/cefcom-epi-site/reports/2019/ef-epi-2019-english.pdf |access-date=15 August 2024}} (pp. 6–7).</ref>
	|3|| ] ||79,000,000||53%||4,000,000||>75,000,000||148,000,000||Figures are for speakers of ], an English-based pidgin or creole. Ihemere gives a range of roughly 3 to 5 million native speakers; the midpoint of the range is used in the table. Ihemere, Kelechukwu Uchechukwu. 2006. "" ''Nordic Journal of African Studies'' 15(3): 296–313.
			{{legend|#407294|"Very High Proficiency" (score 63.07–70.27)}}
	|-
			{{legend|#5A857D|"High Proficiency" (score 58.26–61.86)}}
	|4|| ] ||59,600,000||98%||58,100,000||1,500,000||60,000,000||<small>Source: Crystal (2005), p.&nbsp;109.</small>
			{{legend|#9DBB88|"Moderate Proficiency" (score 52.50–57.38)}}
	|-
			{{legend|#E7CB5B|"Low Proficiency" (score 48.69–52.39)}}
	|5|| ] ||48,800,000||58%<ref name = "EthnoPhil" />||3,427,000<ref name = "EthnoPhil">{{cite web|url=http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=PH |title=Ethnologue report for Philippines |publisher=Ethnologue.com |date= |accessdate=2010-01-02}}</ref>||43,974,000||84,566,000||<small>Total speakers: Census 2000, . 63.71% of the 66.7 million people aged 5 years or more could speak English. Native speakers: Census 1995, as quoted by Andrew González in , Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 19 (5&6), 487–525. (1998). ] lists 3.4 million native speakers with 52% of the population speaking it as a additional language.<ref name = "EthnoPhil" /></small>
			{{legend|#F47B4B|"Very Low Proficiency" (score 40.87–48.19)}}
	|-
			{{legend|#c0c0c0|Not included in report}}]]
	|6|| ] ||25,246,220||85%||17,694,830||7,551,390||29,639,030||<small>Source: 2001 Census&nbsp;– and . The native speakers figure comprises 122,660 people with both French and English as a mother tongue, plus 17,572,170 people with English and not French as a mother tongue.</small>
			{{as of|2016}}, 400&nbsp;million people spoke English as their ], and 1.1&nbsp;billion spoke it as a secondary language.<ref>{{cite web|title=Which countries are best at English as a second language?|url=https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/11/which-countries-are-best-at-english-as-a-second-language-4d24c8c8-6cf6-4067-a753-4c82b4bc865b|publisher=World Economic Forum |first1=Keith |last1=Breene |date=15 November 2019 |access-date=29 November 2016|archive-date=25 November 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161125144549/https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/11/which-countries-are-best-at-english-as-a-second-language-4d24c8c8-6cf6-4067-a753-4c82b4bc865b/|url-status=live}}</ref> English is the ]. English is spoken by communities on every continent and on islands in all the major oceans.{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|p=106}}
	|-
	|7|| ] ||18,172,989|| 92% ||15,581,329||2,591,660||19,855,288||<small>Source: 2006 Census.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/ABSNavigation/prenav/ViewData?action=404&documentproductno=0&documenttype=Details&order=1&tabname=Details&areacode=0&issue=2006&producttype=Census%20Tables&javascript=true&textversion=false&navmapdisplayed=true&breadcrumb=TLPD&&collection=Census&period=2006&productlabel=Proficiency%20in%20Spoken%20English/Language%20by%20Age%20-%20Time%20Series%20Statistics%20(1996,%202001,%202006%20Census%20Years)&producttype=Census%20Tables&method=Place%20of%20Usual%20Residence&topic=Cultural%20& |title=Australian Bureau of Statistics |publisher=Censusdata.abs.gov.au |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> The figure shown in the first language English speakers column is actually the number of Australian residents who speak only English at home. The additional language column shows the number of other residents who claim to speak English "well" or "very well". Another 5% of residents did not state their home language or English proficiency.</small>
	|-
	| colspan="8" | <small>Note: Total = First language + Other language; Percentage = Total / Population</small>
	|}
			The countries where English is spoken can be grouped into different categories according to how English is used in each country. The "inner circle"{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|p=2}} countries with many native speakers of English share an international standard of written English and jointly influence speech norms for English around the world. English does not belong to just one country, and it does not belong solely to descendants of English settlers. English is an official language of countries populated by few descendants of native speakers of English. It has also become by far the most important language of international communication when people who share no native language meet anywhere in the world.
	===Countries where English is a major language===
			=== Three circles of English-speaking countries ===
	English is the primary language in Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, ], the Bahamas, Barbados, ], Bermuda, the ], the British Virgin Islands, ], the ], the ], ], Grenada, Guam, ], Guyana, ] , The ], ], Jersey, Montserrat, ], ], ], ], ], ], Singapore, ], ], ], the ] and the ].
			] residents for whom English was their primary language as of 2021]]
			]'s ''Three Circles of English'']]
			The Indian linguist ] distinguished countries where English is spoken with a ].{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|p=2}} In his model,
			* the "inner circle" countries have large communities of native speakers of English,
			* "outer circle" countries have small communities of native speakers of English but widespread use of English as a second language in education or broadcasting or for local official purposes, and
			* "expanding circle" countries are countries where many people learn English as a foreign language.
			Kachru based his model on the history of how English spread in different countries, how users acquire English, and the range of uses English has in each country. The three circles change membership over time.{{sfn|Kachru|2006|p=196}}
	In some countries where English is not the most spoken language, it is an official language; these countries include Botswana, Cameroon, Dominica, the Federated States of Micronesia, Fiji, ], Ghana, India, Kenya, Kiribati, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malta, the Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Namibia, Nigeria, Pakistan, ], Papua New Guinea, the Philippines (]), Rwanda, Saint Lucia, Samoa, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, the Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, the Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
			Countries with large communities of native speakers of English (the inner circle) include Britain, the United States, Australia, Canada, Ireland, and New Zealand, where the majority speaks English, and South Africa, where a significant minority speaks English. The countries with the most native English speakers are, in descending order, the ] (at least 231&nbsp;million),{{sfn|Ryan|2013|loc=Table 1}} the ] (60&nbsp;million),{{sfn|Office for National Statistics|2013|loc=Key Points}}{{sfn|National Records of Scotland|2013}}{{sfn|Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency|2012|loc=Table KS207NI: Main Language}} ] (19&nbsp;million),{{sfn|Statistics Canada|2014}} ] (at least 17&nbsp;million),{{sfn|Australian Bureau of Statistics|2013}} ] (4.8&nbsp;million),{{sfn|Statistics South Africa|2012|loc=Table 2.5 Population by first language spoken and province (number)}} ] (4.2&nbsp;million), and ] (3.7&nbsp;million).{{sfn|Statistics New Zealand|2014}} In these countries, children of native speakers learn English from their parents, and local people who speak other languages and new immigrants learn English to communicate in their neighbourhoods and workplaces.{{sfn|Bao|2006|p=377}} The inner-circle countries provide the base from which English spreads to other countries in the world.{{sfn|Kachru|2006|p=196}}
	It is also one of the 11 official languages that are given equal status in South Africa (]). English is also the official language in current ] of Australia (], ] and ]) and of the United States (], ], ], ], and the ]),<ref>{{Cite book
	|url=http://books.google.com/?id=vyQDYqz2kFsC&pg=RA1-PA62&lpg=RA1-PA62&dq=%22puerto+rico%22+official+language+1993
	|title=Puerto Rico: Culture, Politics, and Identity
	|author=Nancy Morris
	|year=1995
	|publisher=Praeger/Greenwood
	|isbn=0275952282
	|page=62}}</ref> and the former British colony of ]. (See ] for more details.)
			Estimates of the numbers of ] and foreign-language English speakers vary greatly from 470&nbsp;million to more than 1&nbsp;billion, depending on how proficiency is defined.{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|pp=108–109}} Linguist ] estimates that non-native speakers now outnumber native speakers by a ratio of 3 to 1.{{sfn|Crystal|2003a|p=69}} In Kachru's three-circles model, the "outer circle" countries are countries such as the ],{{sfn|Rubino|2006}} ],{{sfn|Patrick|2006a}} ], ], ],{{sfn|Lim|Ansaldo|2006}} ] and ]{{sfn|Connell|2006}}{{sfn|Schneider|2007}} with a much smaller proportion of native speakers of English but much use of English as a second language for education, government, or domestic business, and its routine use for school instruction and official interactions with the government.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=5}}
	English is not an official language in either the United States or the United Kingdom.<ref>, National Virtual Translation Center, 2006.</ref><ref>, Official Language Research{{ndash}} United Kingdom.</ref> Although the United States federal government has no official languages, English has been given official status by 30 of the 50 state governments.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.us-english.org/inc/official/states.asp |title=U.S. English, Inc |publisher=Us-english.org |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> Although falling short of official status, English is also an important language in several former colonies and ]s of the United Kingdom, such as Bahrain, Bangladesh, Brunei, Malaysia, and the United Arab Emirates. English is not an official language of Israel, but is taken as a required second language at all Jewish and Arab schools and therefor widly spoken.<ref>, Language Policy Research Center</ref>
			Those countries have millions of native speakers of ] ranging from an ] to a more standard version of English. They have many more speakers of English who acquire English as they grow up through day-to-day use and listening to broadcasting, especially if they attend schools where English is the medium of instruction. Varieties of English learned by non-native speakers born to English-speaking parents may be influenced, especially in their grammar, by the other languages spoken by those learners.{{sfn|Bao|2006|p=377}} Most of those varieties of English include words little used by native speakers of English in the inner-circle countries,{{sfn|Bao|2006|p=377}} and they may show grammatical and phonological differences from inner-circle varieties as well. The standard English of the inner-circle countries is often taken as a norm for use of English in the outer-circle countries.{{sfn|Bao|2006|p=377}}
	===English as a global language===
	{{See also|English in computing|International English|World language}}
	Because English is so widely spoken, it has often been referred to as a "]", the '']'' of the modern era,<ref name = "Graddol"/> and while it is not an official language in most countries, it is currently the language most often taught as a ]. Some linguists believe that it is no longer the exclusive cultural property of "native English speakers", but is rather a language that is absorbing aspects of cultures worldwide as it continues to grow.<ref name = "Graddol"/> It is, by international treaty, the official language for aerial and maritime communications.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.imo.org/Safety/index.asp?topic_id=357 |title=International Maritime Organization |publisher=Imo.org |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> English is an official language of the ] and many other international organisations, including the ].
			In the three-circles model, countries such as Poland, China, Brazil, Germany, Japan, Indonesia, Egypt, and other countries where English is taught as a foreign language, make up the "expanding circle".{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=4}} The distinctions between English as a first language, as a second language, and as a foreign language are often debatable and may change in particular countries over time.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=5}} For example, in the ] and some other countries of Europe, knowledge of English as a second language is nearly universal, with over 80 percent of the population able to use it,{{sfn|European Commission|2012}} and thus English is routinely used to communicate with foreigners and often in higher education. In these countries, although English is not used for government business, its widespread use puts them at the boundary between the "outer circle" and "expanding circle". English is unusual among world languages in how many of its users are not native speakers but speakers of English as a second or foreign language.{{sfn|Kachru|2006|p=197}}
	English is the language most often studied as a foreign language in the European Union, by 89% of schoolchildren, ahead of French at 32%, while the perception of the usefulness of foreign languages amongst Europeans is 68% in favour of English ahead of 25% for French<ref name="srv06"> by ], in website</ref> Among some non-English speaking EU countries, a large percentage of the adult population can converse in English - in particular: 85% in Sweden, 83% in Denmark, 79% in the Netherlands, 66% in Luxembourg and over 50% in Finland, Slovenia, Austria, Belgium, and Germany.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_237.en.pdf |title=Microsoft Word - SPECIAL NOTE Europeans and languagesEN 20050922.doc |format=PDF |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref>
			Many users of English in the expanding circle use it to communicate with other people from the expanding circle, so that interaction with native speakers of English plays no part in their decision to use the language.{{sfn|Kachru|2006|p=198}} Non-native varieties of English are widely used for international communication, and speakers of one such variety often encounter features of other varieties.{{sfn|Bao|2006}} Very often today a conversation in English anywhere in the world may include no native speakers of English at all, even while including speakers from several different countries. This is particularly true of the shared vocabulary of mathematics and the sciences.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=7}}
	Books, magazines, and newspapers written in English are available in many countries around the world, and English is the most commonly used language in the sciences<ref name="Graddol"/> with ] reporting as early as 1997 that 95% of its articles were written in English, even though only half of them came from authors in English-speaking countries.
			=== Pluricentric English ===
	The impact of the English language globally has sometimes had a large impact on other languages, leading to ] and even ]<ref>David Crystal (2000) Language Death, Preface; viii, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge</ref> and to claims of "]".<ref name="one"/> English itself is now open to ] as multiple ] feed back into the language as a whole.<ref name="one">Jambor, Paul Z. , Journal of English as an International Language, April 2007 - Volume 1, pages 103-123 (Accessed in 2007)</ref> For this reason, the 'English language is forever evolving' <ref>Albert C. Baugh & Thomas Cable (1993), ''A history of the English language'', page 50, Fourth Edition, Routledge, London</ref>.
			English is a ], which means that no one national authority sets the standard for use of the language.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=2}}{{sfn|Romaine|1999}}{{sfn|Baugh|Cable|2002}}{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|pp=8–9}} Spoken English, including English used in broadcasting, generally follows national pronunciation standards that are established by custom rather than by regulation. International broadcasters are usually identifiable as coming from one country rather than another through their ]s,{{sfn|Trudgill|2006}} but newsreader scripts are also composed largely in international ]. The norms of standard written English are maintained purely by the consensus of educated English speakers around the world, without any oversight by any government or international organisation.{{sfn|Ammon|2008|pp=1537–1539}}
			American listeners readily understand most British broadcasting, and British listeners readily understand most American broadcasting. Most English speakers around the world can understand radio programmes, television programmes, and films from many parts of the English-speaking world.{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|p=122}} Both standard and non-standard varieties of English can include both formal or informal styles, distinguished by word choice and syntax and use both technical and non-technical registers.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|pp=5–6}}
	===Dialects and regional varieties===
	{{Main| List of dialects of the English language}}
	The expansion of the British Empire and—since ]—the influence of the United States have spread English throughout the globe.<ref name="Graddol"/> Because of that global spread, English has developed a host of ] and English-based ]s and ]s.
			The settlement history of the English-speaking inner circle countries outside Britain helped level dialect distinctions and produce ] forms of English in South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand.{{sfn|Deumert|2006|p=130}} The majority of immigrants to the United States without British ancestry rapidly adopted English after arrival. Now the majority of the United States population are monolingual English speakers.{{sfn|Ryan|2013|loc=Table 1}}{{sfn|Deumert|2006|p=131}}
	Two educated native dialects of English have wide acceptance as standards in much of the world—one based on educated southern British and the other based on educated Midwestern American. The former is sometimes called BBC (or the Queen's) English, and it may be noticeable by its preference for "]"; it typifies the ], which is the standard for the teaching of English to speakers of other languages in Europe, Africa, the Indian subcontinent, and other areas influenced either by the British Commonwealth or by a desire not to be identified with the United States.
			*] has no official languages at the federal or state level.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ward |first=Rowena |date=2019 |title='National' and 'Official' Languages Across the Independent Asia-Pacific |journal=Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies |volume=16 |issue=1/2 |pages=83–4 |doi=10.5130/pjmis.v16i1-2.6510 | doi-access=free |quote=The use of English in Australia is one example of both a de facto national and official language: it is widely used and is the language of government and the courts, but has never been legally designated as the country's official language.}}</ref>
	The latter dialect, ], which is spread over most of the United States and much of Canada, is more typically the model for the American continents and areas (such as the Philippines) that have had either close association with the United States, or a desire to be so identified. Aside from those two major dialects, there are numerous other ] of English, which include, in most cases, several subvarieties, such as ], ] and ] within ]; ] within ]; and ] ("Ebonics") and ] within ]. English is a ], without a central language authority like France's ]; and therefore no one variety is considered "correct" or "incorrect" except in terms of the expectations of the particular audience to which the language is directed.
			*In ], English and French share an ] at the federal level.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.gc.ca/web/article-eng.do?m=/index&nid=480459|title=40 Years of the Official Languages Act|publisher=Department of Justice Canada|access-date=March 24, 2013}}{{Dead link|date=June 2024 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://laws.justice.gc.ca/eng/O-3.01/page-1.html|title=Official Languages Act - 1985, c. 31 (4th Supp.)|work=Act current to July 11th, 2010|publisher=Department of Justice|access-date=August 15, 2010|archive-date=January 5, 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110105194649/http://laws.justice.gc.ca/eng/O-3.01/page-1.html|url-status=dead}}</ref> English has official or co-official status in six provinces and three territories, while three provinces have none and Quebec's only official language is French.<ref>{{cite web| url = https://www.legisquebec.gouv.qc.ca/en/tdm/cs/C-11| title = Charter of the French language| last = | first = | date = 26 March 2024| website = Légis Québec| publisher = Québec Official Publisher| access-date = 5 June 2024| quote = French is the official language of Québec. Only French has that status.}}</ref>
			*English is the official second language of ], while Irish is the first.<ref>{{cite web| url = https://www.irishstatutebook.ie/eli/cons/en/html#part2| title = Article 8 of the Constitution of Ireland| last = | first = | date = January 2020| website = Irish Statute Book| publisher =| access-date = 5 June 2024| quote = 1 The Irish language as the national language is the first official language. 2 The English language is recognised as a second official language.}}</ref>
			*While ] is majority English-speaking, its two official languages are ]<ref>{{cite web |title=Maori Language Act 1987 |url=http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1987/0176/latest/DLM124116.html |accessdate=18 December 2011 }}</ref> and ].<ref>{{cite news |url=http://tvnz.co.nz/view/page/488120/696482 |title=Recognition for sign language |date=6 April 2006 |work=] |access-date=30 October 2011}}</ref>
			*The ] does not have an official language. In Wales and Northern Ireland, English is co-official alongside ]<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Huws |first1=Catrin Fflur |title=The Welsh Language Act 1993: A Measure of Success? |journal=Language Policy |date=June 2006 |volume=5 |issue=2 |pages=141–160 |doi=10.1007/s10993-006-9000-0 }}</ref> and ]<ref>{{Cite news |date=2022-10-26 |title=Irish language and Ulster Scots bill clears final hurdle in Parliament |language=en-GB |work=BBC News |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-63402597 |access-date=2022-10-27}}</ref> respectively. Neither Scotland nor England have an official language.
			*In the ], there is no official language at the federal level.<ref>{{cite web| url = https://www.usa.gov/official-language-of-us| title = Official language of the United States| last = | first = | date = 27 December 2023| website = USAGov| publisher = | access-date = 5 June 2024| quote = The United States does not have an official language. English is the most widely used language in the U.S., and some states designate it as their official language.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Faingold |first=Eduardo D. |date=2018 |title=Language Rights and the Law in the United States and Its Territories |publisher=Lexington Books |page=8 |quote=The United States has never had an official language and attempts to declare English its official language have been unsuccessful in the U.S. Congress.}}</ref> English has official or co-official status in 32 states, as well as all five territories.<ref>{{cite web| url = https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/united-states/#people-and-society| title = United States| last = | first = | date = 29 May 2024| website = The World Factbook| publisher = Central Intelligence Agency| access-date = 5 June 2024| quote = Note: data represent the language spoken at home; the US has no official national language, but English has acquired official status in 32 of the 50 states; Hawaiian is an official language in the state of Hawaii, and 20 indigenous languages are official in Alaska.}}</ref> Eighteen states and the District of Columbia have no official language.
			=== English as a global language ===
	] has its origins in early Northern Middle English<ref>Aitken, A. J. and McArthur, T. Eds. (1979) ''Languages of Scotland''. Edinburgh,Chambers. p.87</ref> and developed and changed during its history with influence from other sources, but following the ] a process of ] began, whereby successive generations adopted more and more features from Standard English, causing dialectalisation. Whether it is now a separate language or a ] of English better described as ] is in dispute, although the UK government now accepts Scots as a ] and has recognised it as such under the ].<ref>''</ref> There are a number of regional dialects of Scots, and pronunciation, grammar and lexis of the traditional forms differ, sometimes substantially, from other varieties of English.
			{{Main|English as a lingua franca}}
			{{See also|Foreign-language influences in English|Study of global communication}}
			]
			[[File:English Proficiency Index by country as of 2014.svg|thumb|English Proficiency Index by country as of 2014<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2119.html|title=World Factbook CIA|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160322184415/https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2119.html|archive-date=22 March 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref> {{legend|#225500|Very high proficiency (80–100%)}}
			{{legend|#44aa00|High proficiency (60–80%)}}
			{{legend|#66ff00|Moderate proficiency (40–60%)}}
			{{legend|#99ff55|Low proficiency (20–40%)}}
			{{legend|#ccffaa|Very low proficiency (0.1–20%)}}
			{{legend|#c0c0c0|No data}}]]
			English has ceased to be an "English language" in the sense of belonging only to people who are ethnically ].{{sfn|Romaine|1999|p=5}}{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|p=1}} Use of English is growing country-by-country internally and for international communication. Most people learn English for practical rather than ideological reasons.{{sfn|Kachru|2006|p=195}} Many speakers of English in Africa have become part of an "Afro-Saxon" language community that unites Africans from different countries.{{sfn|Mazrui|Mazrui|1998}}
	English speakers have many different ], which often signal the speaker's native dialect or language. For the more distinctive characteristics of regional accents, see ], and for the more distinctive characteristics of regional dialects, see ]. Within England, variation is now largely confined to pronunciation rather than grammar or vocabulary. At the time of the ], grammar and vocabulary differed across the country, but a process of ''lexical attrition'' has led most of this variation to die out.<ref>Peter Trudgill, ''The Dialects of England'' 2nd edition, page 125, Blackwell, Oxford, 2002</ref>
			As decolonisation proceeded throughout the British Empire in the 1950s and 1960s, former colonies often did not reject English but rather continued to use it as independent countries setting their own language policies.{{sfn|Mufwene|2006|p=614}}{{sfn|Northrup|2013|pp=81–86}}{{sfn|Mesthrie|2010|p=594}} For example, the view of the ] among many Indians has gone from associating it with colonialism to associating it with economic progress, and English continues to be an official language of India.{{sfn|Annamalai|2006}} English is also widely used in media and literature, and the number of English language books published annually in India is the third largest in the world after the US and UK.{{sfn|Sailaja|2009|pages=2–9}} However, English is rarely spoken as a first language, numbering only around a couple hundred-thousand people, and less than 5% of the population speak fluent English in India.<ref>{{cite news|title=Indiaspeak: English is our 2nd language – The Times of India|url=http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Indiaspeak-English-is-our-2nd-language/articleshow/5680962.cms?referral=PM|website=The Times of India |date=14 March 2010 |access-date=5 January 2016|archive-date=22 April 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160422224021/http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Indiaspeak-English-is-our-2nd-language/articleshow/5680962.cms?referral=PM|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |url=http://ihds.umd.edu/IHDS_files/HumanDevelopmentinIndia.pdf |title=Human Development in India: Challenges for a Society in Transition |date=2005 |publisher=Oxford University Press |access-date=5 January 2016 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151211124532/http://www.ihds.umd.edu/IHDS_files/HumanDevelopmentinIndia.pdf |archive-date=11 December 2015 |isbn= 978-0-19-806512-8}}</ref> David Crystal claimed in 2004 that, combining native and non-native speakers, India now has more people who speak or understand English than any other country in the world,{{sfn|Crystal|2004}} but the number of English speakers in India is uncertain, with most scholars concluding that the United States still has more speakers of English than India.{{sfn|Graddol|2010}}
	Just as English itself has borrowed words from many different languages over its history, English ]s now appear in many languages around the world, indicative of the technological and cultural influence of its speakers. Several ]s and ]s have been formed on an English base, such as ], ], and ]. There are many words in English coined to describe forms of particular non-English languages that contain a very high proportion of English words.
			Modern English, sometimes described as the first global ],{{sfn|Graddol|2006}}{{sfn|Meierkord|2006|p=165}} is also regarded as the first ].{{sfn|Brutt-Griffler|2006|pp=690–91}}{{sfn|Northrup|2013}} English is the world's most widely used language in newspaper publishing, book publishing, international telecommunications, scientific publishing, international trade, mass entertainment, and diplomacy.{{sfn|Northrup|2013}} English is, by international treaty, the basis for the required ]s{{sfn|Wojcik|2006|p=139}} ] and Airspeak, used as ]s of seafaring{{sfn|International Maritime Organization|2011}} and aviation.{{sfn|International Civil Aviation Organization|2011}} English used to have parity with French and German in scientific research, but now it dominates that field.{{sfn|Gordin|2015}} It achieved parity with ] as a language of diplomacy at the ] negotiations in 1919.{{sfn|Phillipson|2004|p=47}} By the time of the foundation of the ] at the end of ], English had become pre-eminent{{sfn|ConradRubal-Lopez|1996|p=261}} and is now the main worldwide language of diplomacy and international relations.{{sfn|Richter|2012|p=29}} It is one of six official languages of the United Nations.{{sfn|United Nations|2010}} Many other worldwide international organisations, including the ], specify English as a working language or official language of the organisation.
	===Constructed varieties of English===
	* ] is simplified for easy international use. Manufacturers and other international businesses tend to write manuals and communicate in Basic English. Some English schools in Asia teach it as a practical subset of English for use by beginners.
	* ] excludes forms of the verb ''to be''.
	* ] is an attempt to improve collectively upon the English language.
	* ]{{ndash}} a variety of systems have been developed to represent the English language with hand signals, designed primarily for use in deaf education. These should not be confused with true sign languages such as ] and ] used in Anglophone countries, which are independent and not based on English.
	* ] and the related ] and Policespeak, all based on restricted vocabularies, were designed by Edward Johnson in the 1980s to aid international cooperation and communication in specific areas. There is also a ] for use in the ].
	* ] is a simplified version of English used by the ]. It uses a vocabulary of only 1500 words.
			Many regional international organisations such as the ], ] (ASEAN),{{sfn|Crystal|2003a}} and ] (APEC) set English as their organisation's sole working language even though most members are not countries with a majority of native English speakers. While the European Union (EU) allows member states to designate any of the national languages as an official language of the Union, in practice English is the main working language of EU organisations.{{sfn|Ammon|2006|p=321}}
	==Phonology==
	{{Main| English phonology}}
			Although in most countries English is not an official language, it is currently the language most often taught as a ].{{sfn|Graddol|2006}}{{sfn|Crystal|2003a}} In the countries of the EU, English is the most widely spoken foreign language in nineteen of the twenty-five member states where it is not an official language (that is, the countries other than Ireland and ]). In a 2012 official Eurobarometer poll (conducted when the UK was still a member of the EU), 38 percent of the EU respondents outside the countries where English is an official language said they could speak English well enough to have a conversation in that language. The next most commonly mentioned foreign language, French (which is the most widely known foreign language in the UK and Ireland), could be used in conversation by 12 percent of respondents.{{sfn|European Commission|2012|pp=21, 19}}
	===Vowels===
	{{See also|IPA chart for English dialects}}
			A working knowledge of English has become a requirement in a number of occupations and professions such as medicine{{sfn|Alcaraz Ariza|Navarro|2006}} and computing. English has become so important in scientific publishing that more than 80 percent of all scientific journal articles indexed by ''Chemical Abstracts'' in 1998 were written in English, as were 90 percent of all articles in natural science publications by 1996 and 82 percent of articles in humanities publications by 1995.{{sfn|Brutt-Griffler|2006|pp=694–95}}
	{{Cleanup-section|date=December 2008}}
			International communities such as international business people may use English as an ], with an emphasis on vocabulary suitable for their domain of interest. This has led some scholars to develop the study of English as an auxiliary language. The trademarked ] uses a relatively small subset of English vocabulary (about 1500 words, designed to represent the highest use in international business English) in combination with the standard English grammar.<ref>{{cite web |title=Globish – a language of international business? |url=https://global-lingo.com/globish-a-language-of-international-business/ |website=Global Lingo |access-date=24 November 2019 |date=2 April 2012 |archive-date=18 February 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200218050716/https://global-lingo.com/globish-a-language-of-international-business/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Other examples include ].
	It is the ]s that differ most from region to region. Length is not phonemic in most varieties of ].
			The increased use of the English language globally has had an effect on other languages, leading to some English words ] into the vocabularies of other languages. This influence of English has led to concerns about ],{{sfn|Crystal|2000}} and to claims of ],{{sfn|Jambor|2007}} and has provoked resistance to the spread of English; however the number of speakers continues to increase because many people around the world think that English provides them with opportunities for better employment and improved lives.{{sfn|Svartvik|Leech|2006|loc=Chapter 12: English into the Future}}
	{| class="wikitable"
			Though some mention a possibility of divergence of English dialects into mutually unintelligible languages, most think a more likely outcome is that English will continue to function as a ] language, in which the standard form unifies speakers from around the world.{{sfn|Crystal|2006}} English is used as the language for wider communication in countries around the world.{{sfn|Brutt-Griffler|2006}} Thus English has grown in worldwide use much more than any ] proposed as an ], including ].{{sfn|Li|2003}}{{sfn|Meierkord|2006|p=163}}
			== Phonology ==
			{{Main|English phonology}}
			The ] and ] of the English language differ from one dialect to another, usually without interfering with mutual communication. Phonological variation affects the inventory of ]s (i.e. speech sounds that distinguish meaning), and phonetic variation consists in differences in pronunciation of the phonemes.{{sfn|Wolfram|2006|pp=334–335}} This overview mainly describes the ]s of the ] and the ]: ] (RP) and ] (GA). (See {{slink||Dialects, accents and varieties}}, below.)
			The phonetic symbols used below are from the ] (IPA).{{sfn|Carr|Honeybone|2007}}{{sfn|Bermúdez-Otero|McMahon|2006}}{{sfn|MacMahon|2006}}
			=== Consonants ===
			{{Main|English phonology#Consonants}}
			Most English dialects share the same 24 (or 26 if marginal /x/ and glottal stop (/ʔ/) included){{nbsp}}consonant phonemes. The consonant inventory shown below is valid for ],{{sfn|International Phonetic Association|1999|pages=41–42}} and for RP.{{sfn|König|1994|page=534}}
			{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center"
			|+ Consonant phonemes
			! colspan="2" | !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ] !! colspan="2" | ]
	|-		|-
			! colspan="2" | ]
	!] !! Description !! word
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|m}}
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|n}}
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|ŋ}}*
			| colspan="2" |
	|-		|-
	! colspan="3" style="text-align:left; background:#dedede"| ]s		! colspan="2" | ]
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|p}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|b}}
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|t}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|d}}
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|k}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|ɡ}}
			| style="border-right: 0;" | ({{IPAlink|ʔ}}) || style="border-left: 0;" |
	|-		|-
			! colspan="2" | ]
	| {{IPA|iː}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|ea}}d
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|tʃ}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|dʒ}}
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" |
			| colspan="2" |
	|-		|-
			! colspan="2" | ]
	| {{IPA|ɪ}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|i}}d
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|f}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|v}}
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|θ}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|ð}}
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|s}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|z}}
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|ʃ}} || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|ʒ}}
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | ({{IPAlink|x}}) || style="border-left: 0;" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | {{IPAlink|h}} || style="border-left: 0;" |
	|-		|-
			! rowspan="2" | ]
	| {{IPA|ɛ}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|e}}d<ref group="vn" >In RP, this is closer to {{IPA|}}</ref>
			! <small>]</small>
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|ɹ}}**
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|j}}
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPA link|w}}
			| colspan="2" |
	|-		|-
			! <small>]</small>
	| {{IPA|æ}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|a}}d<ref group="vn" >In younger speakers of RP, this is closer to {{IPA|}}</ref>
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| style="border-right: 0;" | || style="border-left: 0;" | {{IPAlink|l}}
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
			| colspan="2" |
	|-		|-
			|}
	| {{IPA|ɒ}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|o}}x<ref group="vn" name="n1">Many American English dialects lack this sound; in such dialects, words with this sound elsewhere are pronounced with {{IPA|/ɑː/}} or {{IPA|/ɔː/}}. See ].</ref>
			<small>* The sound {{IPA|/ŋ/}} can only occur as a coda.</small>
			<small>** Conventionally transcribed {{IPA|/r/}}</small>
			In the table, when ]s (stops, affricates, and fricatives) appear in pairs, such as {{IPA|/p b/}}, {{IPA|/tʃ dʒ/}}, and {{IPA|/s z/}}, the first is ] (strong) and the second is lenis (weak). Fortis obstruents, such as {{IPA|/p tʃ s/}} are pronounced with more muscular tension and breath force than lenis consonants, such as {{IPA|/b dʒ z/}}, and are always ]. Lenis consonants are partly ] at the beginning and end of utterances, and fully voiced between vowels. Fortis stops such as {{IPA|/p/}} have additional articulatory or acoustic features in most dialects: they are ] {{IPA|}} when they occur alone at the beginning of a stressed syllable, often unaspirated in other cases, and often ] {{IPA|}} or pre-glottalised {{IPA|}} at the end of a syllable. In a single-syllable word, a vowel before a fortis stop is shortened: thus ''nip'' has a noticeably shorter vowel (phonetically, but not phonemically) than ''nib'' {{IPA|}} (]).{{sfn|Collins|Mees|2003|pages=47–53}}
			* lenis stops: ''bin'' {{IPA|}}, ''about'' {{IPA|}}, ''nib'' {{IPA|}}
			* fortis stops: ''pin'' {{IPA|}}; ''spin'' {{IPA|}}; ''happy'' {{IPA|}}; ''nip'' {{IPA|}} or {{IPA|}}
			In RP, the lateral approximant {{IPA|/l/}}, has two main ]s (pronunciation variants): the clear or plain {{IPA|}}, as in ''light'', and the dark or ] {{IPA|}}, as in ''full''.{{Sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=13}} GA has dark ''l'' in most cases.{{Sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2008|p=41}}
			* clear ''l'': RP ''light'' {{IPA|}}
			* dark ''l'': RP and GA ''full'' {{IPA|}}, GA ''light'' {{IPA|}}
			All ]s (liquids {{IPA|/l, r/}} and nasals {{IPA|/m, n, ŋ/}}) devoice when following a voiceless obstruent, and they are syllabic when following a consonant at the end of a word.{{sfn|Brinton|Brinton|2010|pages=56–59}}
			* voiceless sonorants: ''clay'' {{IPA|}}; ''snow'' RP {{IPA|}}, GA {{IPA|}}
			* syllabic sonorants: ''paddle'' {{IPA|}}, ''button'' {{IPA|}}
			=== Vowels ===
			{{Main|English phonology#Vowels}}
			{{stack begin}}
			{| class="wikitable floatright" style="text-align: center;"
			|+ Closing diphthongs
			! ] !! ] !! Word
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA|eɪ}} || b'''ay'''
	| {{IPA|ɔː}} || ] || p{{bold dark red|aw}}ed<ref group="vn" name="n2">Some dialects of North American English do not have this vowel. See ].</ref>
	|-		|-
	| {{IPA|ɑː}} || ] || br{{bold dark red|a}}		| {{IPA|əʊ}} || {{IPA|oʊ}} || r'''oa'''d
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA|aɪ}} || cr'''y'''
	| {{IPA|ʊ}} || ] || g{{bold dark red|oo}}d
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA|aʊ}} || c'''ow'''
	| {{IPA|uː}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|oo}}ed<ref group="vn" name="n7">The letter <''U''> can represent either {{IPA|/uː/}} or the ] vowel {{IPA|/juː/}}. In BRP, if this iotated vowel {{IPA|/juː/}} occurs after {{IPA|/t/}}, {{IPA|/d/}}, {{IPA|/s/}} or {{IPA|/z/}}, it often triggers palatalisation of the preceding consonant, turning it to {{IPA|}}, {{IPA|}}, {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}} respectively, as in ''tune'', ''during'', ''sugar'', and ''azure''. In American English, palatalisation does not generally happen unless the {{IPA|/juː/}} is followed by ''r'', with the result that {{IPA|/(t, d, s, z)juːr/}} turn to {{IPA|}}, {{IPA|}}, {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}} respectively, as in ''nature'', ''verdure'', ''sure'', and ''treasure''.</ref>
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA|ɔɪ}} || b'''oy'''
	| {{IPA|ʌ}} || ], ]<ref group="vn">The back-vowel symbol {{IPA|ʌ}} is conventional for this English central vowel. It is actually generally closer to a {{IPA|}} In the northern half of England, this vowel is not used and {{IPA|ʊ}} is used in its place.</ref> || b{{bold dark red|u}}d.
			|}
			{| class="wikitable floatright" style="text-align: center;"
			|+ Centring diphthongs
			! ] !! ] !! Word
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA|ɪə}} || {{IPA|ɪɹ}} || p'''eer'''
	| {{IPA|ɜr}} || ] || b{{bold dark red|ir}}d<ref group="vn" name="n3">The North American variation of this sound is a ] {{IPA|}}, the RP version a long central vowel {{IPA|}}.</ref>
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|ɛ|eə}} || {{IPA|ɛɹ}} || p'''air'''
	| {{IPA|ə}} || ] || Ros{{bold dark red|a}}'s<ref group="vn" name="n4">Some speakers of North American English do not distinguish between these two unstressed vowels, pronounce the second vowel of roses as {{IPA|ɪ̈ }} rather than {{IPA|ɨ}}, which falls in between the two. ] {{IPA|/ə/}}.</ref>
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA|ʊə}} || {{IPA|ʊɹ}} || p'''oor'''
	| {{IPA|ɨ}} || ] || ros{{bold dark red|e}}s<ref group="vn" name="n4"/><ref group="vn" name="n5">This sound is often transcribed with {{IPA|/ə/}} or with {{IPA|/ɪ/}}.</ref>
			|}
			{{stack end}}
			<div style="float: right;">
			{| class="wikitable floatright" style="text-align: center; margin-right: 1em;"
			|+ Monophthongs
			! ] !! ] !! Word
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|iː}} || {{IPA link|i}} || n'''ee'''d
	! colspan="3" style="text-align:left; background:#dedede"| ]s
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA link|ɪ}} || b'''i'''d
	| {{IPA|eɪ}} || ]-<br /> ] || b{{bold dark red|ay}}ed<ref group="vn" name="n6">The diphthongs {{IPA|/eɪ/}} and {{IPA|/oʊ/}} are monophthongal {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}} in many dialects, including General American, Scottish, Irish and Northern English.</ref>
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|e̞|e}} || {{IPA link|ɛ}} || b'''e'''d
	| {{IPA|oʊ}} || ]-<br /> ] || b{{bold dark red|o}}de<ref group="vn">In RP and parts of North America, this is closer to {{IPA|}}. As a reduced vowel, it may become {{IPA|}} ({{IPA|}} before another vowel) or {{IPA|}}, depending on accent.</ref><ref group="vn" name="n6"/>
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA link|æ}}<!-- Pronunciation differs between RP and GA, but until we use separate symbols, these cells will be merged. --> || b'''a'''ck
	| {{IPA|aɪ}} || ] <br /> ] || cr{{bold dark red|y}}<ref group="vn" name="n8">In parts of North America {{IPA|/aɪ/}} is pronounced {{IPA|}} before voiceless consonants, so that ''writer'' and ''rider'' and distinguished by their vowels, {{IPA|}}, rather than their consonants.</ref> This is near-universal in Canada, and most non-Southern American English dialects also have undergone the shift, and among the more educated classes, it is considered normal; in the 2008 presidential election, both candidates as well as their vice-presidents all used {{IPA|}} for the word "right". {{Citation needed|date=February 2010}}
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|ɑː}} || rowspan="2" | {{IPA link|ɑ}} || br'''a'''
	| {{IPA|aʊ}} || ] <br /> ] || c{{bold dark red|ow}}<ref group="vn">In Canada, this is pronounced {{IPA|}} before a voiceless consonant.</ref>
	|-		|-
			| rowspan="2" | {{IPA link|ɒ}} || b'''o'''x
	| {{IPA|ɔɪ}} || ] <br /> ] || b{{bold dark red|oy}}
	|-		|-
			| rowspan="2" | {{IPA link|ɔ}}, {{IPA link|ɑ}} || cl'''o'''th
	| {{IPA|ʊər}} || ] <br /> ] || b{{bold dark red|oor}}<ref group="vn" name="n9">In many accents, this sound is coming to be pronounced {{IPA|}} rather than {{IPA|}}. See ].</ref>
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|ɔ|ɔː}}|| p'''aw'''
	| {{IPA|ɛər}} || ] <br /> ] || f{{bold dark red|air}}<ref group="vn" name="n10">In some non-rhotic accents, the schwa offglide of {{IPA|/ɛə/}} may be dropped, monophthising and lengthening the sound to {{IPA|}}.</ref>
	|}
	====Notes====
	{{Reflist|2|group=vn}}
	===Consonants===
	This is the English consonantal system using symbols from the ] (IPA).
	{| class="wikitable"
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|uː}} || {{IPA link|u}} || f'''oo'''d
	! &nbsp;
	!]
	!]
	!]
	!]
	!]
	!]
	!]
	!]
	!]
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA link|ʊ}}<!-- Pronunciation differs between RP and GA, with RP probably closer to {{IPA|}}, but until we use separate symbols, these cells will be merged. --> || g'''oo'''d
	!]
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|m}}
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;" |{{IPA|n}}
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|ŋ}}<ref group="cn" name="c1">The ] {{IPA|}} is a non-phonemic allophone of {{IPA|/n/}} in some northerly British accents, appearing only before {{IPA|/k/}} and {{IPA|/ɡ/}}. In all other dialects it is a separate phoneme, although it only occurs in ]s.</ref>
	|
	| &nbsp;
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA link|ɐ|ʌ}} || b'''u'''t
	!]
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|p&nbsp;&nbsp;b}}
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;" |{{IPA|t&nbsp;&nbsp;d}}
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|k&nbsp;&nbsp;ɡ}}
	|
	| &nbsp;
	|-		|-
			| {{IPA link|ə|ɜː}} || {{IPA link|ɚ|ɜɹ}} || b'''ir'''d
	!]
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;" |{{IPA|tʃ&nbsp;&nbsp;dʒ}}<ref group="cn" name="c4">The sounds {{IPA|/ʃ/}}, {{IPA|/ʒ/}}, and {{IPA|/ɹ/}} are labialised in some dialects. Labialisation is never contrastive in initial position and therefore is sometimes not transcribed. Most speakers of ] realise <r> (always rhoticised) as the ] {{IPA|/ɻ/}}, whereas the same is realised in ], etc. as the ].</ref>
	| &nbsp;
	|
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	|-		|-
			| colspan="2" | {{IPA link|ə}} || comm'''a'''
	!]
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|f&nbsp;&nbsp;v}}
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|θ&nbsp;&nbsp;ð}}<ref group="cn" name="c3">In some dialects, such as ], the interdentals {{IPA|/θ/}} and {{IPA|/ð/}} have usually merged with {{IPA|/f/}} and {{IPA|/v/}}, and in others, like ], {{IPA|/ð/}} has merged with dental {{IPA|/d/}}. In some Irish varieties, {{IPA|/θ/}} and {{IPA|/ð/}} become dental plosives, which then contrast with the usual alveolar plosives.</ref>
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|s&nbsp;&nbsp;z}}
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|ʃ&nbsp;&nbsp;ʒ}}<ref group="cn" name="c4"/>
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|ç}}<ref group="cn" name="c5">The ] {{IPA|/ç/}} is in most accents just an ] of {{IPA|/h/}} before {{IPA|/j/}}; for instance ''human'' /çjuːmən/. However, in some accents (see ]), the {{IPA|/j/}} has dropped, but the initial consonant is the same.</ref>
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|x}}<ref group="cn" name="c6">The ] /x/ is used by Scottish or Welsh speakers of English for Scots/Gaelic words such as ''loch'' {{IPA|/lɒx/}} or by some speakers for loanwords from German and Hebrew like ''Bach'' {{IPA|/bax/}} or ''Chanukah'' /xanuka/. /x/ is also used in South African English. In some dialects such as ] (]) either {{IPA|}} or the ] {{IPA|}} may be used as an ] of /k/ in words such as ''docker'' {{IPA|}}.</ref>
	|
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|h}}
	|-
	!]
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;" |{{IPA|ɾ}}{{#tag:ref|The ] {{IPA|}} is an allophone of {{IPA|/t/}} and {{IPA|/d/}} in unstressed syllables in ] and ].<ref>{{cite journal|last=Cox |first=Felicity |year=2006 |title=Australian English Pronunciation into the 21st century |url=http://www.shlrc.mq.edu.au/~felicity/Papers/Prospect_Erratum_v1.pdf |format=PDF|accessdate=2007-07-22 |journal=Prospect |volume=21 |pages=3–21}}</ref> This is the sound of ''tt'' or ''dd'' in the words ''latter'' and ''ladder'', which are homophones for many speakers of North American English. In some accents such as ] and ] it replaces {{IPA|/ɹ/}}. This is the same sound represented by single ''r'' in most varieties of ].|group=cn|name=c2}}
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	|
	| &nbsp;
	|-
	!]
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;" |{{IPA|ɹ}}<ref group="cn" name="c4" />
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|j}}
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;"|{{IPA|ʍ&nbsp;&nbsp;w}}<ref group="cn" name="c7">Voiceless w {{IPA|}} is found in Scottish and Irish English, as well as in some varieties of American, New Zealand, and English English. In most other dialects it is merged with {{IPA|/w/}}, in some dialects of Scots it is merged with {{IPA|/f/}}.</ref>
	| &nbsp;
	|-
	!]
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| style="text-align:center;" |{{IPA|l}}
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	| &nbsp;
	|
	| &nbsp;
	|}		|}
			</div>
	====Notes====
	{{Reflist|2|group=cn}}
			The pronunciation of vowels varies a great deal between dialects and is one of the most detectable aspects of a speaker's accent. The table below lists the vowel ]s in Received Pronunciation (RP) and General American (GA), with examples of words in which they occur from ]s compiled by linguists. The vowels are represented with symbols from the International Phonetic Alphabet; those given for RP are standard in British dictionaries and other publications.<ref>{{cite web|last=Wells|first=John C.|date=8 February 2001|url=https://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/wells/ipa-english-uni.htm|title=IPA transcription systems for English|publisher=University College London|access-date=3 September 2018|archive-date=19 September 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180919182345/https://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/wells/ipa-english-uni.htm|url-status=live}}</ref>
	====Voicing and aspiration====
	] and ] of ]s in English depend on dialect and context, but a few general rules can be given:
	* Voiceless ] and ] ({{IPA|/p/}}, {{IPA|/t/}}, {{IPA|/k/}}, and {{IPA|/tʃ/}}) are aspirated when they are word-initial or begin a stressed syllable{{ndash}} compare ''pin'' {{IPA|}} and ''spin'' {{IPA|}}, ''crap'' {{IPA|}} and ''scrap'' {{IPA|}}.
	** In some dialects, aspiration extends to unstressed syllables as well.
	** In other dialects, such as ], all voiceless stops remain unaspirated.
	* Word-initial voiced plosives may be devoiced in some dialects.
	* Word-terminal voiceless plosives may be unreleased or accompanied by a glottal stop in some dialects; examples: ''tap'' {{IPA|}}, ''sack'' {{IPA|}}.
	* Word-terminal voiced plosives may be devoiced in some dialects (e.g. some varieties of ]){{ndash}} examples: ''sad'' {{IPA|}}, ''bag'' {{IPA|}}. In other dialects, they are fully voiced in final position, but only partially voiced in initial position.
			In RP, vowel length is phonemic; ]s are marked with a ] {{angbr IPA|ː}} in the table above, such as the vowel of ''need'' {{IPA|}} as opposed to ''bid'' {{IPA|}}. In GA, vowel length is non-distinctive.
	===Supra-segmental features===
	====Tone groups====
	English is an ]. This means that the ] of the ] is used ]; for example, to convey surprise or irony, or to change a statement into a question.
			In both RP and GA, vowels are phonetically ] in the same ], like {{IPA|/t tʃ f/}}, but not before lenis consonants like {{IPA|/d dʒ v/}} or in open syllables: thus, the vowels of ''rich'' {{IPA|}}, ''neat'' {{IPA|}}, and ''safe'' {{IPA|}} are noticeably shorter than the vowels of ''ridge'' {{IPA|}}, ''need'' {{IPA|}}, and ''save'' {{IPA|}}, and the vowel of ''light'' {{IPA|}} is shorter than that of ''lie'' {{IPA|}}. Because lenis consonants are frequently voiceless at the end of a syllable, vowel length is an important cue as to whether the following consonant is lenis or fortis.{{sfn|Collins|Mees|2003|pp=46–50}}
	In English, intonation patterns are on groups of words, which are called tone groups, tone units, intonation groups, or sense groups. Tone groups are said on a single breath and, as a consequence, are of limited length, more often being on average five words long or lasting roughly two seconds. For example:
			The vowel {{IPA|/ə/}} only occurs in unstressed syllables and is more open in quality in stem-final positions.{{sfn|Cruttenden|2014|p=138}}{{sfn|Flemming|Johnson|2007}} Some dialects do not contrast {{IPA|/ɪ/}} and {{IPA|/ə/}} in unstressed positions, such that ''rabbit'' and ''abbot'' rhyme and ''Lenin'' and ''Lennon'' are homophonous, a dialectal feature called the ].{{sfn|Wells|1982|p=167}} GA {{IPA|/ɜr/}} and {{IPA|/ər/}} are realised as an ] {{IPA|}}, as in ''further'' {{IPA|}} (phonemically {{IPA|/ˈfɜrðər/}}), which in RP is realised as {{IPA|}} (phonemically {{IPA|/ˈfɜːðə/}}).{{sfn|Wells|1982|p=121}}
	: {{IPA|/duː juː ˈniːd ˈɛnɪθɪŋ/}} ''Do you need anything?''
	: {{IPA|<nowiki>/aɪ ˈdoʊnt | ˈnoʊ/</nowiki>}} ''I don't, no''
	: {{IPA|/aɪ doʊnt ˈnoʊ/}} ''I don't know'' (contracted to, for example, {{IPA|}} or {{IPA|}} ''I dunno'' in fast or colloquial speech that de-emphasises the pause between 'don't' and 'know' even further)
			=== Phonotactics ===
	====Characteristics of intonation—stress====
			An English syllable includes a syllable nucleus consisting of a vowel sound. Syllable onset and coda (start and end) are optional. A syllable can start with up to three consonant sounds, as in ''sprint'' {{IPA|/sprɪnt/}}, and end with up to five, as in (for some dialects) ''angsts'' {{IPA|/aŋksts/}}. This gives an English syllable the following structure, (CCC)V(CCCCC), where C represents a consonant and V a vowel; the word ''strengths'' {{IPA|/strɛŋkθs/}} is thus close to the most complex syllable possible in English. The consonants that may appear together in onsets or codas are restricted, as is the order in which they may appear. Onsets can only have four types of consonant clusters: a stop and approximant, as in ''play''; a voiceless fricative and approximant, as in ''fly'' or ''sly''; ''s'' and a voiceless stop, as in ''stay''; and ''s'', a voiceless stop, and an approximant, as in ''string''.{{sfn|Brinton|Brinton|2010|page=60}} Clusters of nasal and stop are only allowed in codas. Clusters of obstruents always agree in voicing, and clusters of sibilants and of plosives with the same point of articulation are prohibited. Several consonants have limited distributions: {{IPA|/h/}} can only occur in syllable-initial position, and {{IPA|/ŋ/}} only in syllable-final position.{{sfn|König|1994|pages=537–538}}
	English is a strongly ], in that certain syllables, both within words and within phrases, get a relative prominence/loudness during pronunciation while the others do not. The former kind of syllables are said to be ''accentuated/stressed'' and the latter are ''unaccentuated/unstressed''. Stress can also be used in English to distinguish between certain verbs and their noun counterparts. For example, in the case of the verb ''contract'', the second syllable is stressed: {{IPA|/kɒn.ˈtrækt/}}; in case of the ], the first syllable is stressed: {{IPA|/ˈkɒn.trækt/}}. ]s in unstressed syllables can also ], hence the verb ''contract'' often becomes (and indeed is listed in Oxford English Dictionary as) {{IPA|/kən.ˈtrækt/}}.<ref>Oxford English Dictionary, see entry "contract"</ref> In each word, there can be only one principal stress, but in long words, there can be secondary stress(es) too, e.g. in ''civilization'' {{IPA|/ˌsɪ.və.laɪ.ˈzeɪ.ʃn̩/}}, the 1st syllable carries the secondary stress, the 3rd syllable carries the primary stress, and the other syllables are unstressed.<ref>Oxford English Dictionary, see entry "civilization"</ref>
			=== Stress, rhythm and intonation ===
	Hence in a sentence, each tone group can be subdivided into syllables, which can either be stressed (strong) or unstressed (weak). The stressed syllable is called the nuclear syllable. For example:
			{{See also|Stress and vowel reduction in English|Intonation (linguistics)#English|English Prosody}}
			] plays an important role in English. Certain ]s are stressed, while others are unstressed. Stress is a combination of duration, intensity, vowel quality, and sometimes changes in pitch. Stressed syllables are pronounced longer and louder than unstressed syllables, and vowels in unstressed syllables are frequently ] while vowels in stressed syllables are not.{{sfn|International Phonetic Association|1999|page=42}} Some words, primarily short function words but also some modal verbs such as ''can'', have ] depending on whether they occur in stressed or non-stressed position within a sentence.
			Stress in English is ], and some pairs of words are distinguished by stress. For instance, the word ''contract'' is stressed on the first syllable ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|k|ɒ|n|t|r|æ|k|t}} {{respell|KON|trakt}}) when used as a noun, but on the last syllable ({{IPAc-en|k|ə|n|ˈ|t|r|æ|k|t}} {{respell|kən|TRAKT|'}}) for most meanings (for example, "reduce in size") when used as a verb.{{sfn|Oxford Learner's Dictionary|2015|loc=Entry "contract"}}{{sfn|Merriam Webster|2015|loc=Entry "contract"}}{{sfn|Macquarie Dictionary|2015|loc=Entry "contract"}} Here stress is connected to ]: in the noun "contract" the first syllable is stressed and has the unreduced vowel {{IPA|/ɒ/}}, but in the verb "contract" the first syllable is unstressed and its vowel is reduced to {{IPA|/ə/}}. Stress is also used to distinguish between words and phrases, so that a compound word receives a single stress unit, but the corresponding phrase has two: e.g. ''a burnout'' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|b|ɜːr|n|aʊ|t}}) versus ''to burn out'' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|b|ɜːr|n|_|ˈ|aʊ|t}}), and ''a hotdog'' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|h|ɒ|t|d|ɒ|g}}) versus ''a hot dog'' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|h|ɒ|t|_|ˈ|d|ɒ|g}}).{{sfn|Brinton|Brinton|2010|page=66}}
	: ''That | was | the | <u>'''best'''</u> | thing | you | could | have | '''done'''!''
			In terms of ], English is generally described as a ] language, meaning that the amount of time between stressed syllables tends to be equal.<ref>{{cite web |title=Sentence stress |url=https://esol.britishcouncil.org/content/teachers/staff-room/teaching-articles/sentence-stress |website=ESOL Nexus |publisher=British Council |access-date=24 November 2019 |archive-date=3 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191203092723/https://esol.britishcouncil.org/content/teachers/staff-room/teaching-articles/sentence-stress |url-status=dead }}</ref> Stressed syllables are pronounced longer, but unstressed syllables (syllables between stresses) are shortened. Vowels in unstressed syllables are shortened as well, and vowel shortening causes changes in ]: ].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Lunden |first1=Anya |title=Duration, vowel quality, and the rhythmic pattern of English |journal=Laboratory Phonology |volume=8 |pages=27 |doi=10.5334/labphon.37 |year=2017 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
	Here, all syllables are unstressed, except the syllables/words ''best'' and ''done'', which are stressed. ''Best'' is stressed harder and, therefore, is the nuclear syllable.
			=== Regional variation ===
	The nuclear syllable carries the main point the speaker wishes to make. For example:
			{| class="wikitable mw-collapsible"
			|+ table centered | Varieties of Standard English and their features{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pp=4–6}}
			! Phonological<br />features !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ] !! ]
			|-
			! ]
			| yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"|
			|-
			! {{IPAc-en|ɒ}} is ]
			| yes || yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"|
			|-
			! {{IPAc-en|ɜr}} is pronounced {{IPA|}}
			| yes || yes || yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"|
			|-
			! ]
			| possibly || yes || possibly || yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"|
			|-
			! ]
			| style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"|
			|-
			! {{IPAc-en|t|,_|d}} ]
			| yes || yes || possibly || often || rarely || rarely || rarely || rarely || yes || often
			|-
			! ]
			| style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || possibly || possibly || style="background:lightgrey;"| || often || yes || yes || often || yes
			|-
			! ] ({{IPAc-en|r}}-dropping after vowels)
			| style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || yes || yes || yes || yes || yes
			|-
			! close vowels for {{IPA|/æ, ɛ/}}
			| style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || yes || yes || yes
			|-
			! {{IPAc-en|l}} can always be pronounced {{IPA|}}
			| yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || yes || yes || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || yes || yes
			|-
			! {{IPA|/ɑː/}} is ] before {{IPA|/r/}}
			| style="background:lightgrey;"| || possibly || possibly || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || style="background:lightgrey;"| || yes || yes
			|}
			{|class="wikitable floatright"
			|+ Dialects and low vowels
			! ] !! RP || GA !! Can !! Sound change
			|-
			! {{sc2|THOUGHT}}
			| {{IPA|/ɔː/}} || rowspan="2" | {{IPA|/ɔ/}} or {{IPA|/ɑ/}} || rowspan="4" | {{IPA|/ɑ/}} || ]
			|-
			! {{sc2|CLOTH}}
			| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|/ɒ/}} || ]
			|-
			! {{sc2|LOT}}
			| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|/ɑ/}} || rowspan="2" | ]
			|-
			! {{sc2|PALM}}
			| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|/ɑː/}}
			|-
			! {{sc2|BATH}}
			| rowspan="2" | {{IPA|/æ/}} || rowspan="2" | {{IPA|/æ/}} || rowspan="2" | ]
			|-
			! {{sc2|TRAP}}
			| {{IPA|/æ/}}
			|}
			Varieties of English vary the most in pronunciation of vowels. The best-known national varieties used as standards for education in non-English-speaking countries are British (BrE) and American (AmE). Countries such as ], ], ], ] and ] have their own standard varieties which are less often used as standards for education internationally. Some differences between the various dialects are shown in the table "Varieties of Standard English and their features".{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pp=4–6}}
			English has undergone many ]s, some of them affecting all varieties, and others affecting only a few. Most standard varieties are affected by the ], which changed the pronunciation of long vowels, but a few dialects have slightly different results. In North America, a number of chain shifts such as the ] and ] have produced very different vowel landscapes in some regional accents.{{sfnm|Lass|1992|1pp=90,118,610|Lass|2000|2pp=80,656}}
	: ''John'' had not stolen that money. (... Someone else had.)
	: John ''had not'' stolen that money. (... Someone said he had. or... Not at that time, but later he did.)
	: John had not ''stolen'' that money. (... He acquired the money by some other means.)
	: John had not stolen ''that'' money. (... He had stolen some other money.)
	: John had not stolen that ''money''. (... He had stolen something else.)
			Some dialects have fewer or more consonant phonemes and ]s than the standard varieties. Some conservative varieties like Scottish English have a ] {{IPAblink|ʍ}} sound in ''whine'' that contrasts with the voiced {{IPA|}} in ''wine'', but most other dialects pronounce both words with voiced {{IPA|}}, a dialect feature called ]. The voiceless velar fricative sound {{IPA|/x/}} is found in Scottish English, which distinguishes ''loch'' {{IPA|/lɔx/}} from ''lock'' {{IPA|/lɔk/}}. Accents like ] with "]" lack the glottal fricative {{IPA|/h/}}, and dialects with ] and ] like ] and ] do not have the dental fricatives {{IPA|/θ, ð/}}, but replace them with dental or alveolar stops {{IPA|/t, d/}} or labiodental fricatives {{IPA|/f, v/}}.{{sfn|Roach|2009|p=53}}{{sfn|Giegerich|1992|page=36}} Other changes affecting the phonology of local varieties are processes such as ], ], and reduction of consonant clusters.{{sfn|Wells|1982}}{{Page needed|date=January 2023}}
	Also
			] and ] vary in their pronunciation of historical {{IPA|/r/}} after a vowel at the end of a syllable (in the ]). GA is a ], meaning that it pronounces {{IPA|/r/}} at the end of a syllable, but RP is non-rhotic, meaning that it loses {{IPA|/r/}} in that position. English dialects are classified as rhotic or non-rhotic depending on whether they elide {{IPA|/r/}} like RP or keep it like GA.{{sfn|Lass|2000|p=114}}
	: ''I'' did not tell her that. (... Someone else told her)
	: I ''did not'' tell her that. (... You said I did. or... but now I will)
	: I did not ''tell'' her that. (... I did not say it; she could have inferred it, etc)
	: I did not tell ''her'' that. (... I told someone else)
	: I did not tell her ''that''. (... I told her something else)
			There is complex dialectal variation in words with the ] and ] {{IPA|/æ ɑː ɒ ɔː/}}. These four vowels are only distinguished in RP, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. In GA, these vowels merge to three {{IPA|/æ ɑ ɔ/}},{{sfn|Wells|1982|pages=xviii–xix}} and in Canadian English, they merge to two {{IPA|/æ ɑ/}}.{{sfn|Wells|1982|page=493}} In addition, the words that have each vowel vary by dialect. The table "Dialects and open vowels" shows this variation with ]s in which these sounds occur.
	This can also be used to express emotion:
			== Grammar ==
	: ''Oh'', really? (...I did not know that)
			{{Main|English grammar}}
	: Oh, ''really''? (...I disbelieve you. or... That is blatantly obvious)
			As is typical of an Indo-European language, English follows ] ]. Unlike other Indo-European languages though, English has largely abandoned the inflectional ] in favour of ] constructions. Only the ]s retain morphological case more strongly than any other ]. English distinguishes at least seven major word classes: verbs, nouns, adjectives, adverbs, determiners (including articles), prepositions, and conjunctions. Some analyses add pronouns as a class separate from nouns, and subdivide conjunctions into ] and ], and add the class of interjections.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=22}} English also has a rich set of auxiliary verbs, such as ''have'' and ''do'', expressing the categories of mood and aspect. Questions are marked by ], ] (fronting of question words beginning with ''wh''-) and word order ] with some verbs.<ref name="EGT">{{cite book |last1=Carter |first1=Ronald |last2=McCarthey |first2=Michael |last3=Mark |first3=Geraldine |last4=O'Keeffe |first4=Anne |title=English Grammar Today |date=2016 |publisher=Cambridge Univ Pr |isbn=978-1-316-61739-7}}</ref>
			Some traits typical of Germanic languages persist in English, such as the distinction between irregularly inflected ] stems inflected through ] (i.e. changing the vowel of the stem, as in the pairs ''speak/spoke'' and ''foot/feet'') and weak stems inflected through affixation (such as ''love/loved'', ''hand/hands'').<ref name="HOEL">{{cite book |last1=Baugh |first1=Albert |last2=Cable |first2=Thomas |title=A history of the English language |date=2012 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-65596-5 |edition=6th}}</ref> Vestiges of the case and gender system are found in the pronoun system (''he/him, who/whom'') and in the inflection of the ] verb ''to be''.<ref name="HOEL" />
	The nuclear syllable is spoken more loudly than the others and has a characteristic '''change of pitch'''. The changes of pitch most commonly encountered in English are the '''rising pitch''' and the '''falling pitch''', although the '''fall-rising pitch''' and/or the '''rise-falling pitch''' are sometimes used. In this opposition between falling and rising pitch, which plays a larger role in English than in most other languages, falling pitch conveys certainty and rising pitch uncertainty. This can have a crucial impact on meaning, specifically in relation to polarity, the positive–negative opposition; thus, falling pitch means, "polarity known", while rising pitch means "polarity unknown". This underlies the rising pitch of yes/no questions. For example:
			The seven word-classes are exemplified in this sample sentence:{{sfb|Aarts|Haegeman|2006|page=118}}
	: ''When do you want to be paid?''
			{| style="text-align: center;"
	: ''Now?'' (Rising pitch. In this case, it denotes a question: "Can I be paid now?" or "Do you desire to pay now?")
			| ''The'' || ''chairman'' || ''of'' || ''the'' || ''committee'' || ''and'' || ''the'' || ''loquacious'' || ''politician'' || ''clashed'' || ''violently'' || ''when'' || ''the'' || ''meeting'' || ''started''.
	: ''Now.'' (Falling pitch. In this case, it denotes a statement: "I choose to be paid now.")
			|-
			| Det. || Noun || Prep. || Det. || Noun || Conj. || Det. || Adj. || Noun || Verb || Advb. || Conj. || Det. || Noun || Verb
			|}
			=== Nouns and noun phrases ===
	==Grammar==
	{{Main| English grammar}}		{{Main|English nouns}}
			English nouns are only inflected for number and possession. New nouns can be formed through derivation or compounding. They are semantically divided into ]s (names) and common nouns. Common nouns are in turn divided into concrete and abstract nouns, and grammatically into ]s and ]s.{{sfn|Payne|Huddleston|2002}}
			Most count nouns are inflected for plural number through the use of the plural ] -''s'', but a few nouns have irregular plural forms. Mass nouns can only be pluralised through the use of a count noun classifier, e.g. ''one loaf of bread'', ''two loaves of bread''.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=56–57}}
	English grammar has minimal ] compared with most other ]. For example, Modern English, unlike Modern German or Dutch and the ], lacks ] and ]. ] marking has almost disappeared from the language and mainly survives in ]s. The patterning of ] (e.g. ''speak/spoke/spoken'') versus ] inherited from its Germanic origins has declined in importance in modern English, and the remnants of inflection (such as ] marking) have become more regular.
			Regular plural formation:
	At the same time, the language has become more ], and has developed features such as ]s and ] as resources for conveying meaning. ]s mark constructions such as questions, negative polarity, the ] and progressive ].
			* Singular: ''cat'', ''dog''
			* Plural: ''cats'', ''dogs''
			Irregular plural formation:
	==Vocabulary==
			* Singular: ''man'', ''woman'', ''foot'', ''fish'', ''ox'', ''knife'', ''mouse''
	The English vocabulary has changed considerably over the centuries.<ref>For the processes and triggers of English vocabulary changes cf. </ref>
			* Plural: ''men'', ''women'', ''feet'', ''fish'', ''oxen'', ''knives'', ''mice''
			Possession can be expressed either by the possessive ] -''s'' (also traditionally called a genitive suffix), or by the preposition ''of''. Historically the -s possessive has been used for animate nouns, whereas the ''of'' possessive has been reserved for inanimate nouns. Today this distinction is less clear, and many speakers use -''s'' also with inanimates. Orthographically the possessive -s is separated from a singular noun with an apostrophe. If the noun is plural formed with -s the apostrophe follows the -s.<ref name="EGT" />
	Like many languages deriving from ] (PIE), many of the most common words in English can trace back their origin (through the Germanic branch) to PIE. Such words include the basic pronouns ''I'', from ] ''ic'', (cf. German ''Ich'', Gothic ''ik'', Latin ''ego'', Greek ''ego'', Sanskrit ''aham''), ''me'' (cf. German ''mich, mir'', Gothic ''mik, mīs'', Latin ''me'', Greek ''eme'', Sanskrit ''mam''), numbers (e.g. ''one'', ''two'', ''three'', cf. Dutch ''een'', ''twee'', ''drie'', Gothic ''ains'', ''twai'', ''threis (þreis)'', Latin ''unus, duo, tres'', Greek ''oinos'' "ace (on dice)", ''duo, treis''), common family relationships such as mother, father, brother, sister etc. (cf. Dutch ''moeder'', Greek ''meter'', Latin ''mater'', Sanskrit ''matṛ''; ''mother''), names of many animals (cf. German ''Maus'', Dutch ''muis'', Sankrit ''mus'', Greek ''mys'', Latin ''mus''; ''mouse''), and many common verbs (cf. Old High German ''knājan'', Old Norse ''knā'', Greek ''gignōmi'', Latin ''gnoscere'', Hittite ''kanes'';'' to know'').
			Possessive constructions:
	Germanic words (generally words of Old English or to a lesser extent Old Norse origin) tend to be shorter than Latinate words in Modern English, and are more common in ordinary speech, and include nearly all the basic pronouns, prepositions, conjunctions, modal verbs etc. that form the basis of English syntax and grammar. The shortness of the words is generally due to syncopation in Middle English (e.g. OldEng ''hēafod'' > ModEng ''head'', OldEng ''sāwol'' > ModEng ''soul'') and to the loss of final syllables due to stress (e.g. OldEng ''gamen'' > ModEng ''game'', OldEng ''ǣrende'' > ModEng ''errand''), not because Germanic words are inherently shorter than Latinate words. (The lengthier, higher-register words of Old English were largely forgotten following the subjugation of English after the Norman Conquest, and most of the Old English lexis devoted to literature, the arts, and sciences ceased to be productive when it fell into disuse.) Longer Latinate words in Modern English are often regarded as more elegant or educated. However, the excessive use of Latinate words is considered at times to be either pretentious or an attempt to obfuscate an issue. ]'s essay "]", considered an important scrutinisation of the English language, is critical of this, as well as other perceived misuse of the language.
			* With -s: ''The woman's husband's child''
			* With of: ''The child of the husband of the woman''
			Nouns can form ]s (NPs) where they are the syntactic head of the words that depend on them such as determiners, quantifiers, conjunctions or adjectives.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=55}} Noun phrases can be short, such as ''the man'', composed only of a determiner and a noun. They can also include modifiers such as adjectives (e.g. ''red'', ''tall'', ''all'') and specifiers such as determiners (e.g. ''the'', ''that''). But they can also tie together several nouns into a single long NP, using conjunctions such as ''and'', or prepositions such as ''with'', e.g. ''the tall man with the long red trousers and his skinny wife with the spectacles'' (this NP uses conjunctions, prepositions, specifiers, and modifiers). Regardless of length, an NP functions as a syntactic unit.<ref name="EGT" /> For example, the possessive enclitic can, in cases which do not lead to ambiguity, follow the entire noun phrase, as in ''The President of India's wife'', where the enclitic follows ''India'' and not ''President''.
	An English speaker is in many cases able to choose between Germanic and Latinate synonyms: ''come'' or ''arrive''; ''sight'' or ''vision''; ''freedom'' or ''liberty''. In some cases, there is a choice between a Germanic derived word (''oversee''), a Latin derived word (''supervise''), and a French word derived from the same Latin word (''survey''); or even words ] (e.g., ''warranty'') and Parisian French (''guarantee''), and even choices involving multiple Germanic and Latinate sources are possible: ''sickness'' (Old English), ''ill'' (Old Norse), ''infirmity'' (French), ''affliction'' (Latin). Such synonyms harbor a variety of different meanings and nuances, enabling the speaker to express fine variations or shades of thought. Familiarity with the etymology of groups of synonyms can give English speakers greater control over their ]. See: ], ].
			The class of determiners is used to specify the noun they precede in terms of ], where ''the'' marks a definite noun and ''a'' or ''an'' an indefinite one. A definite noun is assumed by the speaker to be already known by the interlocutor, whereas an indefinite noun is not specified as being previously known. Quantifiers, which include ''one'', ''many'', ''some'' and ''all'', are used to specify the noun in terms of quantity or number. The noun must agree with the number of the determiner, e.g. ''one man'' (sg.) but ''all men'' (pl.). Determiners are the first constituents in a noun phrase.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pages=54–5}}
	An exception to this and a peculiarity perhaps unique to a handful of languages, English included, is that the nouns for meats are commonly different from, and unrelated to, those for the animals from which they are produced, the animal commonly having a Germanic name and the meat having a French-derived one. Examples include: ''deer'' and ''venison''; ''cow'' and ''beef''; ''swine''/''pig'' and ''pork''; and ''sheep'' and '']''. This is assumed to be a result of the aftermath of the ], where an Anglo-Norman-speaking elite were the consumers of the meat, produced by lower classes, which happened to be largely Anglo-Saxon.{{Citation needed|date=May 2008}}
			==== Adjectives ====
	There are Latinate words that are used in everyday speech. These words no longer appear Latinate and oftentimes have no Germanic equivalents. For instance, the words ''mountain'', ''valley'', ''river'', ''aunt'', ''uncle'', ''move'', ''use'', ''push'' and ''stay ("to remain")'' are Latinate. Likewise, the inverse can occur: ''acknowledge'', ''meaningful'', ''understanding'', ''mindful'', ''behaviour'', ''forbearance'', ''behoove'', ''forestall'', ''allay'', ''rhyme'', ''starvation'', ''embodiment'' come from Anglo-Saxon, and ''allegiance'', ''abandonment'', ''debutant'', ''feudalism'', ''seizure'', ''guarantee'', ''disregard'', ''wardrobe'', ''disenfranchise'', ''disarray'', ''bandolier'', ''bourgeoisie'', ''debauchery'', ''performance'', ''furniture'', ''gallantry'' are of Germanic origin, usually through the Germanic element in French, so it is oftentimes impossible to know the origin of a word based on its register.
			{{Main|English adjectives}}
			English adjectives are words such as ''good'', ''big'', ''interesting,'' and ''Canadian'' that most typically modify nouns, ] characteristics of their ]s (e.g., ''a <u>red</u> car''). As modifiers, they come before the nouns they modify and after determiners.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=57}} English adjectives also function as predicative complements (e.g., ''the child is <u>happy</u>'').
			In Modern English, adjectives are not inflected so as to ] in form with the noun they modify, as adjectives in most other Indo-European languages do. For example, in the phrases ''the slender boy'', and ''many slender girls'', the adjective ''slender'' does not change form to agree with either the number or gender of the noun.
	English easily accepts technical terms into common usage and often imports new words and phrases. Examples of this phenomenon include contemporary words such as '']'', '']'' and '']'' (technical terms), as well as '']'', '']'', '']'' and ''amigo'' (imported words/phrases from French, German, Italian, and Spanish, respectively). In addition, ] often provides new meanings for old words and phrases. In fact, this fluidity is so pronounced that a distinction often needs to be made between formal forms of English and contemporary usage.
			Some adjectives are inflected for ], with the positive degree unmarked, the suffix ''-er'' marking the comparative, and ''-est'' marking the superlative: ''a small boy'', ''the boy is smaller than the girl'', ''that boy is the smallest''. Some adjectives have irregular ] comparative and superlative forms, such as ''good'', ''better'', and ''best''. Other adjectives have comparatives formed by ]s, with the adverb ''more'' marking the comparative, and ''most'' marking the superlative: ''happier'' or ''more happy'', ''the happiest'' or ''most happy''.{{sfn|König|1994|page=540}} There is some variation among speakers regarding which adjectives use inflected or periphrastic comparison, and some studies have shown a tendency for the periphrastic forms to become more common at the expense of the inflected form.{{sfn|Mair|2006|pages=148–49}}
	See also: ].
			==== Determiners ====
	===Number of words in English===
			{{Main|English determiners}}
	The ''General Explanations'' at the beginning of the ''Oxford English Dictionary'' states:
			English determiners are words such as ''the'', ''each'', ''many'', ''some'', and ''which'', occurring most typically in noun phrases before the head nouns and any modifiers and marking the noun phrase as ] or indefinite.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Huddleston |first1=Rodney D. |url= |title=A student's introduction to English grammar |last2=Pullum |first2=Geoffrey K. |last3=Reynolds |first3=Brett |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2022 |isbn=978-1-316-51464-1 |edition=2nd |location=Cambridge, United Kingdom |pages=124–126 |oclc=}}</ref> They often agree with the noun in ]. They do not typically inflect for degree of comparison.
	{{bquote|The Vocabulary of a widely diffused and highly cultivated living language is not a fixed quantity circumscribed by definite limits... there is absolutely no defining line in any direction: the circle of the English language has a well-defined centre but no discernible circumference.}}
			==== Pronouns, case, and person ====
	The vocabulary of English is undoubtedly vast, but assigning a specific number to its size is more a matter of definition than of calculation. Unlike other languages such as French (the ]), German (]), Spanish (]) and Italian (]), there is no academy to define officially accepted words and spellings. ]s are coined regularly in medicine, science, technology and other fields, and new ] is constantly developed. Some of these new words enter wide usage; others remain restricted to small circles. Foreign words used in immigrant communities often make their way into wider English usage. Archaic, dialectal, and regional words might or might not be widely considered as "English".
			{{Main|English pronouns}}
			English pronouns conserve many traits of case and gender inflection. The personal pronouns retain a difference between subjective and objective case in most persons ({{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|I|me}}, {{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|he|him}}, {{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|she|her}}, {{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|we|us}}, {{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|they|them}}) as well as an animateness distinction in the third person singular (distinguishing ''it'' from the three sets of animate third person singular pronouns) and an optional gender distinction in the animate third person singular (distinguishing between {{pronoun pair|she|her}} , {{pronoun pair|they|them}} <nowiki>]<nowiki>]</nowiki>, and {{pronoun pair|he|him}} ).<ref name="oedthey">{{OED|they|id=200700}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Singular "They"|url=https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/grammar/singular-they|access-date=24 November 2021|website=APA Style|archive-date=21 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201021234745/https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/grammar/singular-they|url-status=live}}</ref> The ] corresponds to the Old English ], and the ] is used in the sense both of the previous ] (for a patient, or direct object of a transitive verb), and of the Old English dative case (for a recipient or ] of a transitive verb).{{sfn|Leech|2006|page=69|ps=: "Nominative is a traditional name for the subjective case"}}{{sfn|O'Dwyer|2006|ps=: "English has subjective, objective and possessive cases."}} The subjective is used when the pronoun is the subject of a finite clause, otherwise the objective is used.{{sfn|Greenbaum|Nelson|2002}} While grammarians such as ]{{sfn|Sweet|2014|page=52|ps=: "But in that special class of nouns called personal pronouns we find a totally different system of case-inflection, namely, a '''nominative''' case (he) and an '''objective''' case (him)"}} and ]{{sfn|Jespersen|2007|pp=173–185}} noted that the English cases did not correspond to the traditional Latin-based system, some contemporary grammars, for example {{harvcoltxt|Huddleston|Pullum|2002}}, retain traditional labels for the cases, calling them nominative and accusative cases respectively.
			Possessive pronouns exist in dependent and independent forms; the dependent form functions as a determiner specifying a noun (as in ''my chair''), while the independent form can stand alone as if it were a noun (e.g. ''the chair is mine'').{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=425–26}} The English system of grammatical person no longer has a distinction between formal and informal pronouns of address (the old second person singular familiar pronoun '']'' acquired a pejorative or inferior tinge of meaning and was abandoned).
	The ''],'' 2nd edition ''(OED2)'' includes over 600,000 definitions, following a rather inclusive policy:
			Both the second and third persons share pronouns between the plural and singular:
	{{bquote|It embraces not only the standard language of literature and conversation, whether current at the moment, or obsolete, or archaic, but also the main technical vocabulary, and a large measure of dialectal usage and slang (Supplement to the ''OED,'' 1933).<ref>It went on to clarify,{{bquote|Hence we exclude all words that had become obsolete by 1150 ] era]... Dialectal words and forms which occur since 1500 are not admitted, except when they continue the history of the word or sense once in general use, illustrate the history of a word, or have themselves a certain literary currency.}}</ref>}}
			* Plural and singular are always identical (''you'', ''your'', ''yours'') in the second person (except in the reflexive form: {{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|yourself|yourselves}}) in most dialects. Some dialects have introduced innovative second person plural pronouns, such as ''y'all'' (found in ] and ]), ''youse'' (found in ]), or ''ye'' (in ]).
	The editors of '']'' (475,000 main headwords) in their preface, estimate the number to be much higher. It is estimated that about 25,000 words are added to the language each year.<ref>Kister, Ken. "Dictionaries defined." ''Library Journal,'' 6/15/92, Vol. 117 Issue 11, p43, 4p, 2bw</ref>
			* In the third person, the {{pronoun pair|nolink=yes|they|them}} series of pronouns (''they'', ''them'', ''their'', ''theirs'', ''themselves'') are used in both plural and singular, and are the only pronouns available for the plural. In the singular, the {{pronoun pair|they|them}} series (sometimes with the addition of the singular-specific reflexive form ''themself'') serve as a ] set of pronouns. These pronouns are becoming more accepted, especially as part of the ].<ref name="oedthey" /><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://apastyle.apa.org/blog/singular-they|title=Welcome, singular "they"|last=Lee|first=Chelsea|date=31 October 2019|publisher=American Psychological Association|access-date=24 November 2021|archive-date=14 February 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200214220442/https://apastyle.apa.org/blog/singular-they|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Kamm|first=Oliver|title=The Pedant: The sheer usefulness of singular 'they' is obvious|access-date=24 November 2021|date=12 December 2015|website=The Times|url=https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-pedant-the-sheer-usefulness-of-singular-they-is-obvious-3qs05ngflkj|archive-date=19 June 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190619175236/https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/the-pedant-the-sheer-usefulness-of-singular-they-is-obvious-3qs05ngflkj|url-status=live}}</ref>
	The ] announced that the English language had crossed the 1,000,000-word threshold on June 10, 2009.<ref>{{cite web|author=By  John D. Sutter CNN |url=http://edition.cnn.com/2009/TECH/06/10/million.words/index.html#cnnSTCOther1 |title='English gets millionth word on Wednesday, site says' |publisher=Edition.cnn.com |date=2009-06-10 |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> The announcement was met with strong scepticism by linguists and lexicographers,<ref></ref> though a number of non-specialist reports<ref>{{cite web|last=Winchester |first=Simon |url=http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/5454273/1000000-words.html |title=1,000,000 words! |publisher=Telegraph |date=2009-06-06 |accessdate=2010-01-02}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/world_news_america/8094381.stm |title='&#39;Millionth English word' declared' |publisher=BBC News |date=2009-06-10 |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> accepted the figure uncritically.
	===Word origins===
	{{Main|Lists of English words of international origin}}
	One of the consequences of the French influence is that the vocabulary of English is, to a certain extent, divided between those words that are ] (mostly West Germanic, with a smaller influence from the North Germanic branch) and those that are "Latinate" (Latin-derived, either directly or from Norman French or other Romance languages).
	The majority (83%) of the 1,000 most common English words, and all of the 100 most common, are Germanic.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.utexas.edu/cola/centers/lrc/eieol/engol-0-X.html |title=Old English Online |publisher=Utexas.edu |date=2009-02-20 |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> Conversely, a vast majority of more advanced words from subjects such as the sciences, philosophy, maths, etc. come from Latin or Greek. A noticeable number of words from astronomy, mathematics, and chemistry are from Arabic.
	Numerous sets of statistics have been proposed to demonstrate the proportionate origins of English vocabulary. None, as of yet, is considered definitive by most linguists.
	A computerised survey of about 80,000 words in the old ''Shorter Oxford Dictionary'' (3rd ed.) was published in ''Ordered Profusion'' by Thomas Finkenstaedt and Dieter Wolff (1973)<ref>{{cite book |last=Finkenstaedt |first=Thomas |coauthors=Dieter Wolff |title=Ordered profusion; studies in dictionaries and the English lexicon |publisher=C. Winter |year=1973 |isbn=3-533-02253-6}}</ref> that estimated the origin of English words as follows:
	]]]
	* '']'', including French and ]: ]
	* Latin, including modern scientific and technical Latin: ]
	* Other ] (including words directly inherited from ]; does not include Germanic words coming from the Germanic element in French, Latin or other Romance languages): 25%
	* Greek: ]
	* No etymology given: 4.03%
	* Derived from proper names: 3.28%
	* All other languages: less than 1%
	A survey by ] in ''Origins of the English Language'' of 10,000 words taken from several thousand business letters gave this set of statistics:<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.amazon.com/dp/0029344700 |title=Joseph M. Willams, Origins of the English Language at |publisher=Amazon.com |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref>
	* French (langue d'oïl): 41%
	* "Native" English: 33%
	* Latin: 15%
	* Old Norse: 2%
	* Dutch: 1%
	* Other: 10%
	i love bum is the best word in the dictionary
	====Dutch and Low German origins====
	{{Main|List of English words of Dutch origin}}
	Many words describing the navy, types of ships, and other objects or activities on the water are of Dutch origin. ''Yacht'' (''jacht''), ''skipper'' (''schipper'') and ''cruiser'' (''kruiser'') are examples. Other words pertain to art and daily life: ''easel'' (''ezel''), ''etch'' (''etsen''), ''slim'' (''slim''), ''staple'' (Middle Dutch ''stapel'' "market"), ''slip'' (Middle Dutch ''slippen''). Dutch has also contributed to English slang, e.g. ''spook'', and the now obsolete ''snyder'' (tailor) and ''stiver'' (small coin).
	Words from Low German include ''trade'' (Middle Low German ''trade''), ''smuggle'' (''smuggeln''), and ''dollar'' (''daler/thaler'').
	====French origins====
	{{Main|List of French words and phrases used by English speakers}}
	A large portion of English vocabulary is of French or ] origin, and was transmitted to English via the ] spoken by the ]es in England in the centuries following the ]. Words of French origin include ''competition'', ''mountain'', ''art'', ''table'', ''publicity'', ''police'', ''role'', ''routine'', ''machine'', ''force'', and thousands of others, most of which have been ] to fit English rules of ], pronunciation and spelling, rather than those of French (with a few exceptions, for example, ] and ].)
	==Writing system==
	{{Main|English alphabet|English orthography}}
	Since around the ninth century, English has been written in the ], which replaced ]. The spelling system, or ], is multilayered, with elements of French, Latin and Greek spelling on top of the native Germanic system; it has grown to vary significantly from the ] of the language. The spelling of words often diverges considerably from how they are spoken.
	Though letters and sounds may not correspond in isolation, spelling rules that take into account syllable structure, phonetics, and accents are 75% or more reliable.<ref>Abbott, M. (2000). Identifying reliable generalisations for spelling words: The importance of multilevel analysis. The Elementary School Journal 101(2), 233–245.</ref> Some phonics spelling advocates claim that English is more than 80% phonetic.<ref>Moats, L. M. (2001). Speech to print: Language essentials for teachers. Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes Company.</ref> However, English has fewer consistent relationships between sounds and letters than many other languages; for example, the letter sequence '']'' can be pronounced in 10 different ways. The consequence of this complex orthographic history is that reading can be challenging.<ref>Diane McGuinness, ''Why Our Children Can't Read'' (New York: Touchstone, 1997) pp. 156–169</ref> It takes longer for students to become completely fluent readers of English than of many other languages, including French, Greek, and Spanish.<ref>Ziegler, J. C., & Goswami, U. (2005). Reading acquisition, developmental dyslexia, and skilled reading across languages. ''Psychological Bulletin, 131''(1), 3–29.</ref> "English-speaking children take up to two years more to learn reading than do children in 12 other European countries."(Professor Philip H K Seymour, University of Dundee, 2001)<ref name="spellingsociety.org">{{cite web|url=http://www.spellingsociety.org/media/research.php |title=Media centre |publisher=Spelling Society |date= |accessdate=2010-04-21}}</ref> "<nowiki></nowiki> is twice as prevalent among dyslexics in the United States (and France) as it is among Italian dyslexics. Again, this is seen to be because of Italian's 'transparent' orthography." (Eraldo Paulesu and 11 others. Science, 2001)<ref name="spellingsociety.org"/> There are many individuals and organisations whose aim is to modernise or regularise English spelling.
	===Basic sound-letter correspondence===
	{{See also|Hard and soft C|Hard and soft G}}
	{| class="wikitable"		{| class="wikitable"
			|+ English personal pronouns
	! IPA || style="text-align:left;"| Alphabetic representation || Dialect-specific
			! scope="col" | Person !! scope="col" | Subjective case !! scope="col" | Objective case !! scope="col" | Dependent possessive !! scope="col" | Independent possessive !! scope="col" | Reflexive
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 1st, singular
	| ] || p ||
			| ''I'' || ''me'' || ''my'' || ''mine'' || ''myself''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 2nd, singular
	| ] || b ||
			| ''you'' || ''you'' || ''your'' || ''yours'' || ''yourself''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 3rd, singular
	| ] || t, th ''(rarely) thyme, Thames'' || th ''thing'' ''(], ])''
			| ''he/she/it/]'' || ''him/her/it/them'' || ''his/her/its/their'' || ''his/hers/its/theirs'' || ''himself/herself/itself/themself/themselves''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 1st, plural
	| ] || d || th ''that'' ''(African American, New York)''
			| ''we'' || ''us'' || ''our'' || ''ours'' || ''ourselves''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 2nd, plural
	| ] || c ''(+ a, o, u, consonants)'', k, ck, ch, qu ''(rarely) conquer'', kh ''(in foreign words)'' ||
			| ''you'' || ''you'' || ''your'' || ''yours'' || ''yourselves''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 3rd, plural
	| ] || g, gh, gu ''(+ a, e, i)'', gue ''(final position)'' ||
			| ''they'' || ''them'' || ''their'' || ''theirs'' || ''themselves''
			|}
			Pronouns are used to refer to entities ] or ]. A deictic pronoun points to some person or object by identifying it relative to the speech situation—for example, the pronoun ''I'' identifies the speaker, and the pronoun ''you'', the addressee. Anaphoric pronouns such as ''that'' refer back to an entity already mentioned or assumed by the speaker to be known by the audience, for example in the sentence ''I already told you that''. The reflexive pronouns are used when the oblique argument is identical to the subject of a phrase (e.g. "he sent it to himself" or "she braced herself for impact").{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=426}}
			==== Prepositions ====
			{{Main|English prepositions}}
			Prepositional phrases (PP) are phrases composed of a preposition and one or more nouns, e.g. ''with the dog'', ''for my friend'', ''to school'', ''in England''.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=58}} Prepositions have a wide range of uses in English. They are used to describe movement, place, and other relations between different entities, but they also have many syntactic uses such as introducing complement clauses and oblique arguments of verbs.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=58}} For example, in the phrase ''I gave it to him'', the preposition ''to'' marks the recipient, or Indirect Object of the verb ''to give''. Traditionally words were only considered prepositions if they governed the case of the noun they preceded, for example causing the pronouns to use the objective rather than subjective form, "with her", "to me", "for us". But some contemporary grammars no longer consider government of case to be the defining feature of the class of prepositions, rather defining prepositions as words that can function as the heads of prepositional phrases.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pp=598–600}}
			=== Verbs and verb phrases ===
			{{Main|English verbs}}
			English verbs are inflected for tense and aspect and marked for agreement with present-tense third-person singular subject. Only the copula verb ''to be'' is still inflected for agreement with the plural and first and second person subjects.{{sfn|König|1994|page=540}} Auxiliary verbs such as ''have'' and ''be'' are paired with verbs in the infinitive, past, or progressive forms. They form ] tenses, aspects, and moods. Auxiliary verbs differ from other verbs in that they can be followed by the negation, and in that they can occur as the first constituent in a question sentence.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=51}}{{sfn|König|1994|page=541}}
			Most verbs have six inflectional forms. The primary forms are a plain present, a third-person singular present, and a preterite (past) form. The secondary forms are a plain form used for the infinitive, a gerund-participle and a past participle.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=50}} The copula verb ''to be'' is the only verb to retain some of its original conjugation, and takes different inflectional forms depending on the subject. The first-person present-tense form is ''am'', the third person singular form is ''is'', and the form ''are'' is used in the second-person singular and all three plurals. The only verb past participle is ''been'' and its gerund-participle is ''being''.
			{| class="wikitable"
			|+ English inflectional forms
			! scope="col" | Inflection !! scope="col" | Strong !! scope="col" | Regular
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Plain present
	| ] || m ||
			| ''take'' || ''love''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | 3rd person sg.<br />present
	| ] || n ||
			| ''takes'' || ''loves''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Preterite
	| ] || n ''(before g or k)'', ng ||
			| ''took'' || ''loved''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Plain (infinitive)
	| ] || f, ph, gh ''(final, infrequent) laugh, rough'' || th ''thing'' ''(many forms of ])''
			| ''take'' || ''love''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Gerund–participle
	| ] || v || th ''with'' ''(], ])''
			| ''taking'' || ''loving''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Past participle
	| ] || th ''thick, think, through'' ||
			| ''taken'' || ''loved''
			|}
			==== Tense, aspect and mood ====
			English has two primary tenses, past (preterite) and non-past. The preterite is inflected by using the preterite form of the verb, which for the regular verbs includes the suffix ''-ed'', and for the strong verbs either the suffix ''-t'' or a change in the stem vowel. The non-past form is unmarked except in the third person singular, which takes the suffix ''-s''.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=51}}
			{| class="wikitable"
			! scope="col" | !! scope="col" | Present !! scope="col" | Preterite
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | First person
	| ] || th ''that, this, the'' ||
			| ''I run'' || ''I ran''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Second person
	| ] || s, c ''(+ e, i, y)'', sc ''(+ e, i, y)'', ç often c ''(façade/facade)'' ||
			| ''You run'' || ''You ran''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Third person
	| ] || z, s ''(finally or occasionally medially)'', ss ''(rarely) possess, dessert'', word-initial x ''xylophone'' ||
			| ''John runs'' || ''John ran''
			|}
			English does not have future verb forms.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pages=208–210}} The future tense is expressed periphrastically with one of the auxiliary verbs ''will'' or ''shall''.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=51–52}} Many varieties also use a ] constructed with the ] ''be going to'' ("]").{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pages=210–11}}
			{| class="wikitable"
			! scope="col" | !! scope="col" | Future
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | First person
	| ] || sh, sch, ti (before vowel) ''portion'', ci/ce (before vowel) ''suspicion'', ''ocean''; si/ssi (before vowel) ''tension'', ''mission''; ch ''(esp. in words of French origin)''; rarely s/ss before u ''sugar'', ''issue''; chsi in ''fuchsia'' only||
			| ''I will run''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Second person
	| ] || medial si (before vowel) ''division'', medial s (before "ur") ''pleasure'', zh ''(in foreign words)'', z before u ''azure'', g ''(in words of French origin) (+e, i, y) genre'', j ''(in words of French origin) bijou'' ||
			| ''You will run''
	|-		|-
			! scope="row" | Third person
	| ] || kh, ch, h ''(in foreign words)'' || occasionally ch ''loch'' ''(], ])''
			| ''John will run''
			|}
			Further aspectual distinctions are shown by auxiliary verbs, primarily ''have'' and ''be'', which show the contrast between a perfect and non-perfect past tense (''I have run'' vs. ''I was running''), and compound tenses such as preterite perfect (''I had been running'') and present perfect (''I have been running'').{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=50–51}}
			For the expression of mood, English uses a number of modal auxiliaries, such as ''can'', ''may'', ''will'', ''shall'' and the past tense forms ''could'', ''might'', ''would'', ''should''. There are also ] and ]s, both based on the plain form of the verb (i.e. without the third person singular ''-s''), for use in subordinate clauses (e.g. subjunctive: ''It is important that he run every day''; imperative ''Run!'').{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=51–52}}
			An infinitive form, that uses the plain form of the verb and the preposition ''to'', is used for verbal clauses that are syntactically subordinate to a finite verbal clause. Finite verbal clauses are those that are formed around a verb in the present or preterite form. In clauses with auxiliary verbs, they are the finite verbs and the main verb is treated as a subordinate clause.<ref>{{cite web |title=Finite and Nonfinite Clauses |url=https://myenglishgrammar.com/lesson-17-clauses/6-finite-and-nonfinite-clauses.html |website=MyEnglishGrammar.com |access-date=7 December 2019 |archive-date=7 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191207091436/http://myenglishgrammar.com/lesson-17-clauses/6-finite-and-nonfinite-clauses.html |url-status=live }}</ref> For example, ''he has to go'' where only the auxiliary verb ''have'' is inflected for time and the main verb ''to go'' is in the infinitive, or in a complement clause such as ''I saw him leave'', where the main verb is ''see'', which is in a preterite form, and ''leave'' is in the infinitive.
			==== Phrasal verbs ====
			English also makes frequent use of constructions traditionally called ]s, verb phrases that are made up of a verb root and a preposition or particle that follows the verb. The phrase then functions as a single predicate. In terms of intonation the preposition is fused to the verb, but in writing it is written as a separate word. Examples of phrasal verbs are ''to get up'', ''to ask out'', ''to back up'', ''to give up'', ''to get together'', ''to hang out'', ''to put up with'', etc. The phrasal verb frequently has a highly ] meaning that is more specialised and restricted than what can be simply extrapolated from the combination of verb and preposition complement (e.g. ''lay off'' meaning ''terminate someone's employment'').{{sfn|Dixon|1982}} In spite of the idiomatic meaning, some grammarians, including {{harvcoltxt|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=274}}, do not consider this type of construction to form a syntactic constituent and hence refrain from using the term "phrasal verb". Instead, they consider the construction simply to be a verb with a prepositional phrase as its syntactic complement, i.e. ''he woke up in the morning'' and ''he ran up in the mountains'' are syntactically equivalent.
			==== Adverbs ====
			{{Main|English adverbs}}
			The function of adverbs is to modify the action or event described by the verb by providing additional information about the manner in which it occurs.<ref name="EGT" /> Many adverbs are derived from adjectives by appending the suffix ''-ly''. For example, in the phrase ''the woman walked quickly'', the adverb ''quickly'' is derived in this way from the adjective ''quick''. Some commonly used adjectives have irregular adverbial forms, such as ''good'', which has the adverbial form ''well''.
			=== Syntax ===
			]
			Modern English syntax language is moderately ].{{sfn|McArthur|1992|pp=64, 610–611}} It has developed features such as ]s and ] as resources for conveying meaning. ]s mark constructions such as questions, negative polarity, the ] and progressive ].
			==== Basic constituent order ====
			English word order has moved from the Germanic ] to being almost exclusively ] (SVO).{{sfn|König|1994|page=553}} The combination of SVO order and use of auxiliary verbs often creates clusters of two or more verbs at the centre of the sentence, such as ''he had hoped to try to open it''.
			In most sentences, English only marks grammatical relations through word order.{{sfn|König|1994|page=550}} The subject constituent precedes the verb and the object constituent follows it. The example below demonstrates how the grammatical roles of each constituent are marked only by the position relative to the verb:
			{| style="text-align: center;"
			| ''The dog'' || ''bites'' || ''the man''
	|-		|-
			| S || V || O
	| ] || h ''(syllable-initially, otherwise silent)'', j ''(in words of Spanish origin) jai alai'' ||
	|-		|-
			| ''The man'' || ''bites'' || ''the dog''
	| ] || ch, tch, t before u ''future'', ''culture''||t ''(+ u, ue, eu)'' ''tune, Tuesday, Teutonic'' ''(several dialects&nbsp;– see ])''
	|-		|-
			| S || V || O
	| ] || j, g ''(+ e, i, y)'', dg ''(+ e, i, consonant) badge, judg(e)ment'' || d ''(+ u, ue, ew)'' ''dune, due, dew'' ''(several dialects&nbsp;– another example of yod coalescence)''
			|}
			An exception is found in sentences where one of the constituents is a pronoun, in which case it is doubly marked, both by word order and by case inflection, where the subject pronoun precedes the verb and takes the subjective case form, and the object pronoun follows the verb and takes the objective case form.<ref>{{cite web |title=Cases of Nouns and Pronouns |url=http://guidetogrammar.org/grammar/cases.htm |website=Guide to Grammar and Writing |access-date=24 November 2019 |archive-date=16 November 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191116081858/http://guidetogrammar.org/grammar/cases.htm |url-status=live }}</ref> The example below demonstrates this double marking in a sentence where both object and subject are represented with a third person singular masculine pronoun:
			{| style="text-align: center;"
			| ''He'' || ''hit'' || ''him''
	|-		|-
			| S || V || O
	| ] || r, wr (initial) ''wrangle'' ||
			|}
			]s (IO) of ditransitive verbs can be placed either as the first object in a double object construction (S V IO O), such as ''I gave <u>Jane</u> the book'' or in a prepositional phrase, such as ''I gave the book <u>to Jane</u>''.{{sfn|König|1994|page=551}}
			==== Clause syntax ====
			{{Main|English clause syntax}}
			In English a sentence may be composed of one or more clauses, that may, in turn, be composed of one or more phrases (e.g. Noun Phrases, Verb Phrases, and Prepositional Phrases). A clause is built around a verb and includes its constituents, such as any NPs and PPs. Within a sentence, there is always at least one main clause (or matrix clause) whereas other clauses are subordinate to a main clause. Subordinate clauses may function as arguments of the verb in the main clause. For example, in the phrase ''I think (that) you are lying'', the main clause is headed by the verb ''think'', the subject is ''I'', but the object of the phrase is the subordinate clause ''(that) you are lying''. The subordinating conjunction ''that'' shows that the clause that follows is a subordinate clause, but it is often omitted.{{sfn|Miller|2002|pages=60–69}} ]s are clauses that function as a modifier or specifier to some constituent in the main clause: For example, in the sentence ''I saw the letter that you received today'', the relative clause ''that you received today'' specifies the meaning of the word ''letter'', the object of the main clause. Relative clauses can be introduced by the pronouns ''who'', ''whose'', ''whom'', and ''which'' as well as by ''that'' (which can also be omitted.){{sfn|König|1994|page=545}} In contrast to many other Germanic languages there are no major differences between word order in main and subordinate clauses.{{sfn|König|1994|page=557}}
			==== Auxiliary verb constructions ====
			{{Main|Do-support|English auxiliary verbs|Subject–auxiliary inversion}}
			English syntax relies on auxiliary verbs for many functions including the expression of tense, aspect, and mood. Auxiliary verbs form main clauses, and the main verbs function as heads of a subordinate clause of the auxiliary verb. For example, in the sentence ''the dog did not find its bone'', the clause ''find its bone'' is the complement of the negated verb ''did not''. ] is used in many constructions, including focus, negation, and interrogative constructions.
			The verb ''do'' can be used as an auxiliary even in simple declarative sentences, where it usually serves to add emphasis, as in "I ''did'' shut the fridge." However, in the negated and inverted clauses referred to above, it is used because the rules of English ] permit these constructions only when an auxiliary is present. ] does not allow the addition of the negating adverb ''not'' to an ordinary ] lexical verb, as in ''*I know not''—it can only be added to an auxiliary (or ]) verb, hence if there is no other auxiliary present when negation is required, the auxiliary ''do'' is used, to produce a form like ''I do not'' (''don't'') ''know.'' The same applies in clauses requiring inversion, including most questions—inversion must involve the subject and an auxiliary verb, so it is not possible to say ''*Know you him?''; grammatical rules require ''Do you know him?''{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=114}}
			Negation is done with the adverb ''not'', which precedes the main verb and follows an auxiliary verb. A contracted form of not ''-n't'' can be used as an enclitic attaching to auxiliary verbs and to the copula verb ''to be''. Just as with questions, many negative constructions require the negation to occur with do-support, thus in Modern English ''I don't know him'' is the correct answer to the question ''Do you know him?'', but not ''*I know him not'', although this construction may be found in older English.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pages=786–790}}
			Passive constructions also use auxiliary verbs. A passive construction rephrases an active construction in such a way that the object of the active phrase becomes the subject of the passive phrase, and the subject of the active phrase is either omitted or demoted to a role as an oblique argument introduced in a prepositional phrase. They are formed by using the past participle either with the auxiliary verb ''to be'' or ''to get'', although not all varieties of English allow the use of passives with ''get''. For example, putting the sentence ''she sees him'' into the passive becomes ''he is s''een (''by her''), or ''he gets seen'' (''by her'').{{sfn|Miller|2002|pages=26–27}}
			==== Questions ====
			Both ]s and ]s in English are mostly formed using ] (''Am I going tomorrow?'', ''Where can we eat?''), which may require ] (''Do you like her?'', ''Where did he go?''). In most cases, ]s (''wh''-words; e.g. ''what'', ''who'', ''where'', ''when'', ''why'', ''how'') appear in a ]. For example, in the question ''What did you see?'', the word ''what'' appears as the first constituent despite being the ] of the sentence. (When the ''wh''-word is the subject or forms part of the subject, no inversion occurs: ''Who saw the cat?''.) ] can also be fronted when they are the questions theme, e.g. ''To whose house did you go last night?''. The personal interrogative pronoun '']'' is the only interrogative pronoun to still show inflection for case, with the variant ''whom'' serving as the objective case form, although this form may be going out of use in many contexts.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pp=7–8}}
			==== Discourse level syntax ====
			While English is a subject-prominent language, at the discourse level it tends to use a ] structure, where the known information (topic) precedes the new information (comment). Because of the strict SVO syntax, the topic of a sentence generally has to be the grammatical subject of the sentence. In cases where the topic is not the grammatical subject of the sentence, it is often promoted to subject position through syntactic means. One way of doing this is through a passive construction, ''the girl was stung by the bee''. Another way is through a ] where the main clause is demoted to be a complement clause of a copula sentence with a ] such as ''it'' or ''there'', e.g. ''it was the girl that the bee stung'', ''there was a girl who was stung by a bee''.{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|pages=1365–70}} Dummy subjects are also used in constructions where there is no grammatical subject such as with impersonal verbs (e.g., ''it is raining'') or in existential clauses (''there are many cars on the street''). Through the use of these complex sentence constructions with informationally vacuous subjects, English is able to maintain both a topic-comment sentence structure and a SVO syntax.
			]s emphasise a particular piece of new or salient information within a sentence, generally through allocating the main sentence level stress on the focal constituent. For example, ''the girl was stung by <u>a bee</u>'' (emphasising it was a bee and not, for example, a wasp that stung her), or ''<u>The girl</u> was stung by a bee'' (contrasting with another possibility, for example that it was the boy).{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=1370}} Topic and focus can also be established through syntactic dislocation, either preposing or postposing the item to be focused on relative to the main clause. For example, ''That girl over there, she was stung by a bee'', emphasises the girl by preposition, but a similar effect could be achieved by postposition, ''she was stung by a bee, that girl over there'', where reference to the girl is established as an "afterthought".{{sfn|Huddleston|Pullum|2002|page=1366}}
			] between sentences is achieved through the use of deictic pronouns as ] (e.g. ''that is exactly what I mean'' where ''that'' refers to some fact known to both interlocutors, or ''then'' used to locate the time of a narrated event relative to the time of a previously narrated event).{{sfn|Halliday|Hasan|1976}} ]s such as ''oh'', ''so'', or ''well'', also signal the progression of ideas between sentences and help to create cohesion. Discourse markers are often the first constituents in sentences. Discourse markers are also used for ] in which speakers position themselves in a specific attitude towards what is being said, for example, ''no way is that true!'' (the idiomatic marker ''no way!'' expressing disbelief), or ''boy! I'm hungry'' (the marker ''boy'' expressing emphasis). While discourse markers are particularly characteristic of informal and spoken registers of English, they are also used in written and formal registers.{{sfn|Schiffrin|1988}}
			== Vocabulary ==
			It is generally stated that English has around 170,000 words, or 220,000 if ]s are counted; this estimate is based on the last full edition of the ''Oxford English Dictionary'' from 1989.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/explore/how-many-words-are-there-in-the-english-language|title=How many words are there in the English language?|website=Oxford Dictionaries|language=en|access-date=13 September 2017|archive-date=9 September 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170909203258/https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/explore/how-many-words-are-there-in-the-english-language|url-status=dead}}</ref> Over half of these words are nouns, a quarter adjectives, and a seventh verbs. There is one count that puts the English vocabulary at about 1&nbsp;million words—but that count presumably includes words such as Latin ]s, ], ], ]ed and ]ed words, ], foreign words of extremely limited English use, and technical ]s.{{sfn|Algeo|1999}}
			Due to its status as an international language, English adopts foreign words quickly and borrows vocabulary from many other sources. Early studies of English vocabulary by ]s, the scholars who formally study vocabulary, compile dictionaries, or both, were impeded by a lack of comprehensive data on actual vocabulary in use from good-quality ],{{sfn|Leech|Hundt|Mair|Smith|2009|pp=24–50}} collections of actual written texts and spoken passages. Many statements published before the end of the 20th century about the growth of English vocabulary over time, the dates of first use of various words in English, and the sources of English vocabulary will have to be corrected as new computerised analyses of linguistic corpus data become available.{{sfn|Algeo|1999}}{{sfn|Kastovsky|2006}}
			=== Word-formation processes ===
			English forms new words from existing words or roots in its vocabulary through a variety of processes. One of the most productive processes in English is conversion,{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|p=129}} using a word with a different grammatical role, for example using a noun as a verb or a verb as a noun. Another productive word-formation process is nominal compounding,{{sfn|Algeo|1999}}{{sfn|Kastovsky|2006}} producing compound words such as ''babysitter'' or ''ice cream'' or ''homesick''.{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|p=129}} A process more common in Old English than in Modern English, but still productive in Modern English, is the use of derivational suffixes (''-hood'', ''-ness'', ''-ing'', ''-ility'') to derive new words from existing words (especially those of Germanic origin) or stems (especially for words of ] or ]).
			Formation of new words, called ]s, based on ] (for example ''television'' or ''optometry'') is a highly productive process in English and in most modern European languages, so much so that it is often difficult to determine in which language a neologism originated. For this reason, American lexicographer ] attributed many such words to the "]" (ISV) when compiling '']'' (1961). Another active word-formation process in English is the creation of ]s,{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|pp=120–121}} words formed by pronouncing abbreviations of longer phrases as single words, e.g. '']'', '']'', '']''.
			=== Word origins ===
			{{Main|Foreign-language influences in English|Lists of English words by country or language of origin}}
			{{See also|Linguistic purism in English}}
			{{Pie chart
			|caption=Source languages of the English vocabulary<ref name="Wolff" /><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.askoxford.com/asktheexperts/faq/aboutenglish/proportion |title=What is the proportion of English words of French, Latin, or Germanic origin? |publisher=Oxford University Press |date=2008 |website=Ask the experts |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080817153021/http://www.askoxford.com/asktheexperts/faq/aboutenglish/proportion |archive-date=17 August 2008}}</ref>
			|value1=28.30
			|label1=French, including Anglo-Norman
			|color1=blue
			|value2=28.24
			|label2=Latin, including modern scientific and technical Latin
			|color2=red
			|value3=25
			|label3=Germanic languages (Old English, Old Norse, Dutch)
			|color3=green
			|value4=5.32
			|label4=Greek
			|color4=orange
			|value5=4.03
			|label5=No etymology given
			|color5=purple
			|value6=3.28
			|label6=Derived from proper names
			|color6=yellow
			|other=Other languages (less than 1 % each)
			}}
			English, besides forming new words from existing words and their roots, also borrows words from other languages. This borrowing is commonplace in many world languages, but English has been especially open to borrowing of foreign words throughout the last 1,000&nbsp;years.{{sfn|Denning|Kessler|Leben|2007|p=7}} Nevertheless, most of the core vocabulary and the most common words in English are still West Germanic.{{sfn|Nation|2001|p=265}}<ref>{{cite book |last=Denning |first=Keith |title=English Vocabulary Elements |date=2007 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jz76l9RAccQC |publisher=Oxford University Press |page=34 |isbn=978-0-1951-6802-0 |access-date=16 June 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200436/https://books.google.com/books?id=jz76l9RAccQC |url-status=live }}</ref> The English words first learned by children as they learn to speak are mainly Germanic words from ].{{sfn|Algeo|1999}} It is not possible to speak or write English without Germanic words, but it is possible to write or speak many sentences in English without foreign loanwords.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Solodow |first1=Joseph |title=Latin Alive: The Survival of Latin in English and the Romance Languages |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2OfV9NZxH68C |date=2010 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=196 |isbn=978-0-5215-1575-7 |access-date=6 December 2023 |archive-date=20 March 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240320231112/https://books.google.com/books?id=2OfV9NZxH68C |url-status=live }}</ref>
			But one of the consequences of long language contact between French and English in all stages of their development is that the vocabulary of English has a very high percentage of "Latinate" words (derived from French, especially, and also from other Romance languages and Latin). French words from various periods of the development of French now make up one-third of the vocabulary of English.{{sfn|Gottlieb|2006|p=196}} Linguist Anthony Lacoudre estimated that over 40,000 English words are of French origin and may be understood without ] change by French speakers.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_OpfPyFwqus|title=L'incroyable histoire des mots français en anglais !|publisher=]|date=23 March 2016|orig-date=Lecture given 17 March 2016|website=YouTube|access-date=14 January 2024|language=fr|archive-date=25 November 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201125064059/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_OpfPyFwqus|url-status=live}}</ref> Words of Old Norse origin have entered the English language primarily from the contact between Old Norse and Old English during colonisation of eastern and ]. Many of these words are part of English core vocabulary, such as ''egg'' and ''knife''.{{sfn|Denning|Kessler|Leben|2007}}
			English has also borrowed many words directly from Latin, the ancestor of the Romance languages, during all stages of its development.{{sfn|Kastovsky|2006}}{{sfn|Algeo|1999}} Many of these words had earlier been borrowed into Latin from Greek. Latin or Greek are still highly productive sources of stems used to form vocabulary of subjects learned in higher education such as the sciences, philosophy, and mathematics.{{sfn|Romaine|1999|p=4}} English continues to gain new loanwords and ]s ("loan translations") from languages all over the world, and words from languages other than the ancestral Anglo-Saxon language make up about 60% of the vocabulary of English.{{sfn|Fasold|Connor-Linton|2014|p=302}}
			English has formal and informal ]s; informal registers, including child-directed speech, tend to be made up predominantly of words of Anglo-Saxon origin, while the percentage of vocabulary that is of Latinate origin is higher in legal, scientific, and academic texts.{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|pp=124–127}}{{sfn|Algeo|1999|pp=80–81}}
			=== English loanwords and calques in other languages ===
			{{Main|Englishisation}}
			] using the English word ''free'' instead of the Spanish ''gratis''.]]
			English has had a strong influence on the vocabulary of other languages.{{sfn|Gottlieb|2006|p=196}}{{sfn|Brutt-Griffler|2006|p=692}} The influence of English comes from such factors as opinion leaders in other countries knowing the English language, the role of English as a world ''lingua franca'', and the large number of books and films that are translated from English into other languages.{{sfn|Gottlieb|2006|p=197}} That pervasive use of English leads to a conclusion in many places that English is an especially suitable language for expressing new ideas or describing new technologies. Among varieties of English, it is especially American English that influences other languages.{{sfn|Gottlieb|2006|p=198}} Some languages, such as Chinese, write words borrowed from English mostly as ]s, while others, such as Japanese, readily take in English loanwords written in sound-indicating script.{{sfn|Gottlieb|2006|p=202}} Dubbed films and television programmes are an especially fruitful source of English influence on languages in Europe.{{sfn|Gottlieb|2006|p=202}}
			== Orthography ==
			{{See also|English alphabet|English Braille|English orthography}}
			Since the ninth century, English has been written in a ] (also called Roman alphabet). Earlier Old English texts in ] are only short inscriptions. The great majority of literary works in Old English that survive to today are written in the Roman alphabet.{{sfn|Gneuss|2013|p=23}} The modern English alphabet contains 26 letters of the ]: ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ] (which also have ] forms: A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y, Z).
			The spelling system, or ], of English is multi-layered and complex, with elements of French, Latin, and Greek spelling on top of the native Germanic system.{{sfn|Swan|2006|p=149}} Further complications have arisen through ]s with which the orthography has not kept pace.{{sfn|Lass|2000}} Compared to European languages for which official organisations have promoted spelling reforms, English has spelling that is a less consistent indicator of pronunciation, and standard spellings of words that are more difficult to guess from knowing how a word is pronounced.{{sfn|Mountford|2006}} There are also systematic ]. These situations have prompted ].{{sfn|Neijt|2006}}
			Although letters and speech sounds do not have a one-to-one correspondence in standard English spelling, spelling rules that take into account syllable structure, phonetic changes in derived words, and word accent are reliable for most English words.{{sfn|Daniels|Bright|1996|p=653}} Moreover, standard English spelling shows etymological relationships between related words that would be obscured by a closer correspondence between pronunciation and spelling{{emdash}}for example, the words ''photograph'', ''photography'', and ''photographic'',{{sfn|Daniels|Bright|1996|p=653}} or the words ''electricity'' and ''electrical''. While few scholars agree with Chomsky and Halle (1968) that conventional English orthography is "near-optimal",{{sfn|Swan|2006|p=149}} there is a rationale for current English spelling patterns.{{sfn|Abercrombie|Daniels|2006}} The standard orthography of English is the most widely used writing system in the world.{{sfn|Mountford|2006|p=156}} Standard English spelling is based on a graphomorphemic segmentation of words into written clues of what meaningful units make up each word.{{sfn|Mountford|2006|pp=157–158}}
			Readers of English can generally rely on the correspondence between spelling and pronunciation to be fairly regular for letters or ]s used to spell consonant sounds. The letters ''b'', ''d'', ''f'', ''h'', ''j'', ''k'', ''l'', ''m'', ''n'', ''p'', ''r'', ''s'', ''t'', ''v'', ''w'', ''y'', ''z'' represent, respectively, the phonemes {{IPA|/b, d, f, h, dʒ, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t, v, w, j, z/}}. The letters ''c'' and ''g'' normally represent {{IPA|/k/}} and {{IPA|/ɡ/}}, but there is also a ] pronounced {{IPA|/s/}}, and a ] pronounced {{IPA|/dʒ/}}. The differences in the pronunciations of the letters ''c'' and ''g'' are often signalled by the following letters in standard English spelling. Digraphs used to represent phonemes and phoneme sequences include ''ch'' for {{IPA|/tʃ/}}, ''sh'' for {{IPA|/ʃ/}}, ''th'' for {{IPA|/θ/}} or {{IPA|/ð/}}, ''ng'' for {{IPA|/ŋ/}}, ''qu'' for {{IPA|/kw/}}, and ''ph'' for {{IPA|/f/}} in Greek-derived words. The single letter ''x'' is generally pronounced as {{IPA|/z/}} in word-initial position and as {{IPA|/ks/}} otherwise. There are exceptions to these generalisations, often the result of loanwords being spelled according to the spelling patterns of their languages of origin{{sfn|Daniels|Bright|1996|p=653}} or residues of proposals by scholars in the early period of Modern English to follow the spelling patterns of Latin for English words of Germanic origin.{{sfn|Daniels|Bright|1996|p=654}}
			For the vowel sounds of the English language, however, correspondences between spelling and pronunciation are more irregular. There are many more vowel phonemes in English than there are single vowel letters (''a'', ''e'', ''i'', ''o'', ''u'', ''y'', and very rarely ''w''). As a result, some "]" are often indicated by combinations of letters (like the ''oa'' in ''boat'', the ''ow'' in ''how'', and the ''ay'' in ''stay''), or the historically based ] (as in ''note'' and ''cake'').{{sfn|Abercrombie|Daniels|2006}}
			The consequence of this complex orthographic history is that learning to read and write can be challenging in English. It can take longer for school pupils to become independently fluent readers of English than of many other languages, including Italian, Spanish, and German.{{sfn|Dehaene|2009}} Nonetheless, there is an advantage for learners of English reading in learning the specific sound-symbol regularities that occur in the standard English spellings of commonly used words.{{sfn|Daniels|Bright|1996|p=653}} Such instruction greatly reduces the risk of children experiencing reading difficulties in English.{{sfn|McGuinness|1997}}{{sfn|Shaywitz|2003}} Making primary school teachers more aware of the primacy of morpheme representation in English may help learners learn more efficiently to read and write English.{{sfn|Mountford|2006|p=159}}
			English writing also includes a system of ] marks that is similar to those used in most alphabetic languages around the world. The purpose of punctuation is to mark meaningful grammatical relationships in sentences to aid readers in understanding a text and to indicate features important for reading a text aloud.{{sfn|Lawler|2006|p=290}}
			== Dialects, accents and varieties ==
			{{Main|List of dialects of English|World Englishes|Regional accents of English}}
			Dialectologists identify many ], which usually refer to regional varieties that differ from each other in terms of patterns of grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation. The pronunciation of particular areas distinguishes dialects as separate ]. The major native dialects of English are often divided by linguists into the two extremely general categories of ] (BrE) and ] (NAE).{{sfn|Crystal|2003b|p=107}} There also exists a third common major grouping of English varieties: Southern Hemisphere English, the most prominent being ] and ].
			=== Britain and Ireland ===
			{{See also|English language in England|Estuary English|English language in Northern England|Welsh English|Scottish English|Scots language|Ulster English|Hiberno-English}}
			{| style="text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
			| {{listen|filename=Alain de Botton on Fear of Failure at Cannes Lions 2012.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a contemporary ] accent (]).|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Danny Baker BBC Radio4 Desert Island Discs 31 Jul 2007 b012wcl4.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Russell brand bbc radio4 desert island discs 21 07 2013.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of an ] man with a working-class ] accent (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	|-		|-
			| {{listen|filename=Damien hirst bbc radio4 desert island discs 13 05 2013 b01sd0hy.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a (]) ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	| ] || y ''(initially or surrounded by vowels)'', j ''hallelujah'' ||
			| {{listen|filename=John bishop bbc radio4 desert island discs 24 06 2012.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a contemporary ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Rob Brydon BBC Radio4 Front Row 18 Mar 2012 b01dhl11.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a (]) ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	|-		|-
			| {{listen|filename=Alex Salmond BBC Radio4 Desert Island Discs 16 January 2011 b00xgs41.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with one of the many ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	| ] || l ||
			| {{listen|filename=George Best - The New Elizabethans -20 Jul 2012 - b01kt7cs.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	|-
			| {{listen|filename=Mary Robinson - Desert Island Discs - 28 July 2013.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a woman with one of the many ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	| ] || w ||
			|}
			] and ]]]
			The fact that English has been spoken in England for 1,500&nbsp;years explains why England has a great wealth of regional dialects.{{sfn|Trudgill|1999|p=10}} Within the United Kingdom, ] (RP), an educated accent associated originally with the ], has been traditionally used as a broadcast standard and is considered the most prestigious of British accents. The spread of RP (also known as BBC English) through the media has caused many traditional dialects of rural England to recede, as youths adopt the traits of the prestige variety instead of traits from local dialects. At the time of the 1950–61 ], grammar and vocabulary differed across the country, but a process of lexical attrition has led most of this variation to disappear.{{sfn|Trudgill|1999|p=125}}
			Nonetheless, this attrition has mostly affected dialectal variation in grammar and vocabulary. In fact, only 3% of the English population actually speak RP, the remainder speaking in regional accents and dialects with varying degrees of RP influence.{{sfn|Hughes|Trudgill|1996|page=3}} There is also variability within RP, particularly along class lines between Upper and Middle-class RP speakers and between native RP speakers and speakers who adopt RP later in life.{{sfn|Hughes|Trudgill|1996|page=37}} Within Britain, there is also considerable variation along lines of social class; some traits, though exceedingly common, are nonetheless considered "non-standard" and associated with lower-class speakers and identities. An example of this is ], which was historically a feature of lower-class London English, particularly Cockney, and can now be heard in the local accents of most parts of England. However, it remains largely absent in broadcasting and among the upper crust of British society.{{sfn|Hughes|Trudgill|1996|page=40}}
			] can be divided into four major dialect regions: South East English, South West English (also known as ]), Midlands English and ]. Within each of these regions, several local dialects exist: within the Northern region, there is a division between the ]s, the ] dialect (spoken around ], in ]) and the ] dialects, which include the urban subdialects of ] (]) and ] (]). Having been the centre of Danish occupation during the Viking invasions of England, Northern English dialects, particularly the Yorkshire dialect, retain Norse features not found in other English varieties.{{sfn|Hughes|Trudgill|1996|p=31}}
			Since the 15th century, South East England varieties have centred on London, which has been the centre from which dialectal innovations have spread to other dialects. In London, the ] dialect was traditionally used by the lower classes, and it was long a socially stigmatised variety. The spread of Cockney features across the South East led the media to talk of Estuary English as a new dialect, but the notion was criticised by many linguists on the grounds that London had been influencing neighbouring regions throughout history.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/ee-faqs-jcw.htm |title=Estuary English Q and A – JCW |publisher=Phon.ucl.ac.uk |access-date=16 August 2010 |archive-date=11 January 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100111062912/http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/ee-faqs-jcw.htm |url-status=live }}</ref>{{sfn|Roach|2009|p=4}}{{sfn|Trudgill|1999|p=80}} Traits that have spread from London in recent decades include the use of ] (''drawing'' is pronounced ''drawring'' {{IPA|/ˈdrɔːrɪŋ/}}), ] (''Potter'' is pronounced with a glottal stop as ''Po'er'' {{IPA|/ˈpɒʔə/}}) and ], or the pronunciation of ''th-'' as {{IPA|/f/}} (''thanks'' pronounced ''fanks'') or {{IPA|/v/}} (''bother'' pronounced ''bover'').{{sfn|Trudgill|1999|pages=80–81}}
			] is today considered a separate language from English, but it has ] in early Northern Middle English{{sfn|Aitken|McArthur|1979|page=81}} and developed and changed during its history with influence from other sources, particularly ] and Old Norse. Scots itself has a number of regional dialects. In addition to Scots, ] comprises the varieties of Standard English spoken in Scotland; most varieties are Northern English accents, with some influence from Scots.{{sfn|Romaine|1982}}
			In ], various forms of English have been spoken since the ]s of the 11th century. In ] and in the area surrounding ], two extinct dialects known as ] and ] developed as offshoots from Early Middle English and were spoken until the 19th century. Modern ], however, has its roots in English colonisation in the 17th century. Today Irish English is divided into ], the Northern Ireland dialect with strong influence from Scots, and various dialects of the Republic of Ireland. Like Scottish and most North American accents, almost all Irish accents preserve the ] which has been lost in the dialects influenced by RP.{{sfn|Barry|1982|pp=86–87}}{{sfn|Hickey|2007}}
			=== North America ===
			{{Main|American English|General American English|Southern American English|African-American Vernacular English|Canadian English|Atlantic Canadian English}}
			{| style="text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
			| {{listen|filename=Emery Emery Voice.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a ]n man with a ] (]).|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Rep. Martha Roby's "Roller Coaster" Speech Sound Bite.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of an ] woman with a contemporary ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Chuck Zito on Becoming a Hells Angel.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	|-		|-
			| {{listen|filename=Sec. Walsh on Construction Jobs in Infrastructure Bill v2.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	| ] || wh (''pronounced'' hw)|| Scottish and Irish English, as well as some varieties of American, New Zealand, and English English
			| {{listen|filename=On the phone- Russell Gage.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of two men with ], the interviewer from ] (]) and the interviewee from ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Margaret atwood bbc radio4 front row 27 07 2007 b007tjpb.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of an ] woman with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	|}		|}
			] and ]. according to the 2016–2021 five-year ]]]
	===Written accents===
			] dominates in ], but '']'' found over 50% non-rhoticity with at least one local speaker in each US metropolitan area (designated with a red dot) and non-rhotic ] pronunciations found primarily among ] regardless of location.]]
	{{Main|English words with diacritics}}
			{{image frame
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			}}
			Due to the relatively strong degree of mixing, mutual accommodation, and koinéization that occurred during the colonial period, ] has traditionally been perceived as relatively homogeneous, at least in comparison with British dialects. However, modern scholars have strongly opposed this notion, arguing that North American English shows a great deal of phonetic, lexical, and geographic variability. This becomes all the more apparent considering social, ethnolinguistic, and regional varieties such as ], ], ], or ].<ref>{{cite book |title=The Handbook of World Englishes |date=2020 |publisher=Wiley |isbn=978-1-119-16421-0 |page=45 |chapter=3}}</ref> American accent variation is increasing at the regional level and decreasing at the very local level,{{sfn|Labov|2012}} though most Americans still speak within a phonological continuum of similar accents,{{sfn|Wells|1982|page=34}} known collectively as ] (GA), with differences hardly noticed even among Americans themselves, including ] and ].{{sfn|Rowicka|2006}}{{sfn|Toon|1982}}{{sfn|Cassidy|1982}} In most American and Canadian English dialects, ] (or ''r''-fullness) is dominant, with non-rhoticity (or ''r''-dropping) being associated with lower prestige and social class, especially since the end of ]. This contrasts with the situation in England, where non-rhoticity has become the standard.{{sfn|Labov|1972}}
	Unlike most other Germanic languages, English has almost no ]s except in foreign ]s (like the ] in ''café''), and in the uncommon use of a ] mark (often in formal writing) to indicate that two vowels are pronounced separately, rather than as one sound (e.g. ''naïve, Zoë''). Words such as décor, café, résumé/{{Typo|res|umé}}<!-- Please do not change this to "résumé/résumé", as it is intended to show that using only one diacritical mark is acceptable. -->, entrée, fiancée and naïve are frequently spelled both with or without diacritics.
			Separate from General American English are American dialects with clearly distinct sound systems that have developed over time, including ], the English of the coastal ]—including ] and ]—and ]; all of these, aside from certain subdialects of the American South, were historically non-rhotic.
	Some English words retain diacritics to distinguish them from others, such as ''], ], ], ], ], ], ],'' and '']'', though these are sometimes also dropped (for example, '']/{{Typo|res|umé}}''<!-- Please do not change this to "résumé/résumé", as using only one diacritical mark is acceptable, which is what this is illustrating. -->, is often spelt ''resume'' in the United States). To clarify pronunciation, a small number of loanwords may employ a diacritic that does not appear in the original word, such as ''maté'', from Spanish '']'', or ''Malé'', the capital of the ], following the French usage.
			] varieties, except for those of the ] and perhaps ], are generally considered to fall under the General American English continuum, although they often show ] of the vowels {{IPAc-en|aɪ}} and {{IPAc-en|aʊ}} before ] and have distinct norms for writing and pronunciation as well.{{sfn|Boberg|2010}} ], notably distinct from ],<ref>]; Sharon Ash; Charles Boberg (2006). '']''. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 141, 148.</ref> comprises ] (or Maritimer English) and ]. It was mostly influenced by ] and ], ] and ], and some ].<ref> Chambers, Jack K. (2010). "English in Canada" (PDF). Kingston, Ontario. p. 14. Retrieved July 20, 2012. </ref> Regions such as ] and ] have a wide variety of phrases and words not spoken outside of their respective regions.
	==Formal written English==
	{{Main| Formal written English}}
			In ], the most populous American "accent group" outside of General American English,<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.pbs.org/speak/ahead/|title=Do You Speak American: What Lies Ahead|access-date=15 August 2007|publisher=]|archive-date=14 September 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070914172319/http://www.pbs.org/speak/ahead/|url-status=live}}</ref> rhoticity now strongly prevails, replacing the region's ].<ref>{{citation|title=Rural White Southern Accents|first=Erik R.|last=Thomas|publisher=]|work=Atlas of North American English (online)|year=2003|url=http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/secure/generalmodules/varieties/unit0000/virtualsession/vslessons/thomas.pdf|page=16|access-date=11 November 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141222004531/http://www.atlas.mouton-content.com/secure/generalmodules/varieties/unit0000/virtualsession/vslessons/thomas.pdf|archive-date=22 December 2014|url-status=dead}} </ref>{{sfn|Levine|Crockett|1966}}{{sfn|Schönweitz|2001}} Southern accents are colloquially described as a "drawl" or "twang",{{sfn|Montgomery|1993}} being recognised most readily by the Southern Vowel Shift initiated by ] in the {{IPA|/aɪ/}} vowel (e.g. pronouncing ''spy'' almost like ''spa''), the "Southern breaking" of several front pure vowels into a gliding vowel or even two syllables (e.g. pronouncing the word "press" almost like "pray-us"),{{sfn|Thomas|2008|page=95–96}} the ], and other distinctive phonological, grammatical, and lexical features, many of which are actually recent developments of the 19th century or later.{{sfn|Bailey|1997}}
	A version of the language almost universally agreed upon by educated English speakers around the world is called formal written English. It takes virtually the same form regardless of where it is written, in contrast to spoken English, which differs significantly between ]s, ], and varieties of ] and of colloquial and regional expressions. Local variations in the formal written version of the language are quite limited, being restricted largely to the ], along with a few minor differences in grammar and lexis.
			Spoken primarily by working- and middle-class ], ] (AAVE) is also largely non-rhotic and likely originated among enslaved Africans and African Americans influenced primarily by the non-rhotic, non-standard ]s. A minority of linguists,<ref>{{cite book|title=Word on the Street: Debunking the Myth of a "Pure" Standard English|last=McWhorter|first=John H.|author-link=John McWhorter|publisher=Basic Books|year=2001|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Edt7yUD6PkMC|page=162|isbn=978-0-7382-0446-8|access-date=22 November 2015|archive-date=17 March 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200426/https://books.google.com/books?id=Edt7yUD6PkMC|url-status=live}}</ref> contrarily, propose that AAVE mostly traces back to African languages spoken by the slaves who had to develop a ] or ] to communicate with slaves of other ethnic and linguistic origins.{{sfn|Bailey|2001}} AAVE's important commonalities with Southern accents suggest it developed into a highly coherent and homogeneous variety in the 19th or early 20th century. AAVE is commonly stigmatised in North America as a form of "broken" or "uneducated" English, as are white Southern accents, but linguists today recognise both as fully developed varieties of English with their own norms shared by large speech communities.{{sfn|Green|2002}}{{sfn|Patrick|2006b}}
	==Basic and simplified versions==
	To make English easier to read, there are some simplified versions of the language. One basic version is named '']'', a ] with a small number of words created by ] and described in his book ''Basic English: A General Introduction with Rules and Grammar'' (1930). The language is based on a simplified version of English. Ogden said that it would take seven years to learn English, seven months for ], and seven weeks for Basic English. Thus, Basic English may be employed by companies that need to make complex books for international use, as well as by language schools that need to give people some knowledge of English in a short time.
			=== Australia and New Zealand ===
	Ogden did not put any words into Basic English that could be said with a few other words and he worked to make the words work for speakers of any other language. He put his set of words through a large number of tests and adjustments. He also made the grammar simpler, but tried to keep the grammar normal for English users.
			{{Main|Australian English|New Zealand English}}
			{| style="text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
			| {{listen|filename=AustraliaPart2.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ].|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Prime Minister Gillard of Australia at News Conference with President Obama.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a ]n woman with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Geoffrey Rush bbc radio4 front row 01 05 2013.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a ] man with a cultivated Australian accent (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			|-
			| {{listen|filename=Eleanor catton bbc radio4 womans hour 09 09 2013.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a woman with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			|
			{{listen|filename=H.E. Mr. John Key Prime Minister, New Zealand - speech at Connect Asia-Pacific 2013 Summit.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
			|
			|}
			Since 1788, English has been spoken in ], and ] has developed as the first language of the vast majority of the inhabitants of the Australian continent, its standard accent being ]. The ] has to a lesser degree become an influential standard variety of the language.{{sfn|Eagleson|1982}} Australian and New Zealand English are each other's closest relatives with few differentiating characteristics, followed by ] and the English of South East England, all of which have similarly non-rhotic accents, aside from some accents in the ] of New Zealand. Australian and New Zealand English stand out for their innovative vowels: many short vowels are fronted or raised, whereas many long vowels have diphthongised. Australian English also has a contrast between long and short vowels, not found in most other varieties. Australian English grammar aligns closely with British and American English; like American English, collective plural subjects take on a singular verb (as in ''the government is'' rather than ''are'').{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pages=16–21}}{{sfn|Burridge|2010}} New Zealand English uses front vowels that are often even higher than in Australian English.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pages=24–26}}{{sfn|Maclagan|2010}}{{sfn|Gordon|Campbell|Hay et al.|2004}}
	The concept gained its greatest publicity just after the Second World War as a tool for world peace.{{Citation needed|date=March 2009}} Although it was not built into a program, similar simplifications were devised for various international uses.
			=== Southeast Asia ===
	Another version, ], exists, which is a ] originally developed for aerospace industry maintenance manuals. It offers a carefully limited and standardised<ref>{{cite web |title=Official page of ASD Simplified Technical English Maintenance Group (STEMG) |url=http://www.asd-ste100.org/}}</ref> subset of English. Simplified English has a lexicon of approved words and those words can only be used in certain ways. For example, the word ''close'' can be used in the phrase "Close the door" but not "do not go close to the landing gear".
			{{Main|Southeast Asian English|Singapore English|Philippine English|Malaysian English|Brunei English}}
			{| style="text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
			| {{listen|filename=Declaration of Independence Part 1.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a male teenager with a ].|image=none}}
			| {{listen|filename=Dr. Villaverde on Conflicts of Interest in Medicine and Dr. Dans on Evidence-Based Medicine in INCLEN.flac|title=Speech examples|description=Examples of a man and woman with ]s.|help=no|image=none}}
			|}
			The first significant exposure of the ] to the English language occurred in 1762 when the ] during the ], but this was a brief episode that had no lasting influence. English later became more important and widespread during American rule between 1898 and 1946 and remains an official language of the Philippines. Today, the use of English is ubiquitous in the Philippines, being found on ] and marquees, in government documents and forms, in courtrooms, in the media and entertainment industries, in the business sector, and in various other aspects of daily life.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Dayag |first1=Danilo |date=2008 |chapter=English-language media in the Philippines: Description and research |title=Philippine English: Linguistic and Literary Perspectives |pages=49–66 |editor-last1=Bautista |editor-first=Ma. Lourdes |editor-last2=Bolton |editor-first2=Kingsley |location=Hong Kong |publisher=Hong Kong University Press |doi=10.5790/hongkong/9789622099470.003.0004 |isbn=978-962-209-947-0 }}</ref> One particularly prominent form of English usage in the country is found in everyday speech: most ] from ] use or, at the very least, have been exposed to ], a form of code-switching between ] and English.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Bautista |first1=Maria Lourdes S. |title=Tagalog-English Code-switching as a Mode of Discourse |journal=Asia Pacific Education Review |date=2004 |volume=5|pages=226–233|issue=2|doi=10.1007/BF03024960|s2cid=145684166|url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ720543.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220515012035/https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ720543.pdf|archive-date=15 May 2022|url-status=live}}</ref> A similar code-switching method is used by urban native speakers of ] under the name of ].
			=== Africa, the Caribbean, and South Asia ===
	==See also==
			{{See also|South African English|Nigerian English|Caribbean English|South Asian English}}
	{{portalbox|England|Languages|Writing}}
			{| style="text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
	{{Misplaced Pages-Books}}
			| {{listen|filename=South African English.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a man with a ].|image=none}}
	* ]
			| {{listen|filename=Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie bbc radio4 front row 03 05 2013.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a woman with an educated ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	* ]
			| {{listen|filename=Sylbourne Sydial with Nordia Teape on Integrated Diaspora Services.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a woman and man with ]s.|help=no|image=none}}
	* ]
			|-
	* ]
			|
	* ]
			| {{listen|filename=Arundhati Roy BBC Radio4 Bookclub 2 Oct 2011 b015brn8.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a ]n woman with an ] (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	* ]
			|
	* ]
			|}
	* ]
			English is spoken widely in southern Africa and is an official or co-official language in several of the region's countries. In ], English has been spoken since 1820, co-existing with ] and various African languages such as the ] and ]. Today, about nine percent of the South African population speaks ] (SAE) as a first language. SAE is a non-rhotic variety that tends to follow RP as a norm. It is one of the few non-rhotic English varieties that lack intrusive R. The second-language varieties of South Africa differ based on the native languages of their speakers.{{sfn|Lanham|1982}} Most phonological differences from RP are in the vowels.{{sfn|Lass|2002}} Consonant differences include the tendency to pronounce {{IPA|/p, t, t͡ʃ, k/}} without aspiration (e.g. ''pin'' pronounced {{IPA|}} rather than as {{IPA|}} as in most other varieties), while r is often pronounced as a flap {{IPA|}} instead of as the more common fricative.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pages=30–31}}
	* ] (film)
			Nigerian English is a variety of English spoken in ].<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|url=http://encarta.msn.com/dictionary_1861683342/Nigerian_English.html|title=Nigerian English|encyclopedia=Encarta|publisher=Microsoft|access-date=17 July 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100909162439/http://encarta.msn.com/dictionary_1861683342/Nigerian_English.html|archive-date=9 September 2010}}</ref> It has traditionally been based on British English, but in recent years, because of influence from the United States, some words of American English origin have made it into Nigerian English. Additionally, some new words and collocations have emerged from the variety out of a need to express concepts specific to the culture of the nation (e.g. ''senior wife''). Over 150&nbsp;million Nigerians speak English.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Adegbija |first1=Efurosibina |title=Lexico-semantic variation in Nigerian English |journal=World Englishes |date=1989 |volume=8 |issue=2 |pages=165–177 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-971X.1989.tb00652.x}}</ref>
	===Notes===
	{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}
			Several varieties of English are also spoken in the Caribbean islands that were colonial possessions of Britain, including Jamaica, the ] and ] and ], ], the ] and ]. Each of these areas is home both to a local variety of English and a local English-based creole, combining English and African languages. The most prominent varieties are ] and ]. In Central America, English-based creoles are spoken on the Caribbean coasts of Nicaragua and Panama.{{sfn|Lawton|1982}} Locals are often fluent in both the local English variety and the local creole languages, and ] between them is frequent. Indeed, a way to conceptualise the relationship between such creole and standard varieties is to view them as a spectrum of language registers in which the most creole-like forms serve as the "basilect" and the most RP-like forms serve as the "acrolect", the most formal register.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|page=115}}
	==References==
	===Bibliography===
	* {{cite book| first=Ulrich| last=Ammon| title=Sociolinguistics: an international handbook of the science of language and society| publisher=Walter de Gruyter| year=2006| isbn=3110184184| url=http://books.google.com/?id=LMZm0w0k1c4C| ref=refAmmon2006}}
	* {{cite book |last=Baugh |first=Albert C. |coauthors=Thomas Cable |title=A history of the English language | edition=5th |publisher=Routledge |year=2002 |isbn=0-415-28099-0}}
	* {{cite book |last=Bragg |first=Melvyn |authorlink=Melvyn Bragg |title=The Adventure of English: The Biography of a Language |publisher=Arcade Publishing |year=2004 |isbn=1-55970-710-0}}
	* {{cite book |last=Crystal |first=David |authorlink=David Crystal |year=1997 |title=English as a Global Language |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=0-521-53032-6| url=http://books.google.com/?id=d6jPAKxTHRYC| ref=Crystal1997}}
	* {{cite book |last=Crystal |first=David|title=The Cambridge encyclopedia of the English language | edition=2nd |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2003 |isbn=0-521-53033-4}}
	*{{cite book|last=Crystal|first=David|title=The Stories of English|publisher=Allen Lane|year=2004|isbn=0713997524}}
	* {{cite book |last=Halliday |first=MAK |title=An introduction to functional grammar | edition=2nd |location=London |publisher=Edward Arnold |year=1994 |isbn=0-340-55782-6}}
	* {{cite book |last=Hayford |first=Harrison |coauthors=Howard P. Vincent |title=Reader and Writer |publisher=Houghton Mifflin Company |year=1954 }} {{cite web|url=http://www.archive.org/details/readerandwriter030101mbp |title=Internet Archive: Free Download: Reader And Writer |publisher=Archive.org |date=2001-03-10 |accessdate=2010-01-02}}
	* {{cite book| first=Anthony| last=Howatt| title=A history of English language teaching| publisher=Oxford University Press| year=2004| isbn=0194421856| url=http://books.google.com/?id=g2e7iw_F-ZcC| ref=refHowatt2004}}
	* Kenyon, John Samuel and Knott, Thomas Albert, ''A Pronouncing Dictionary of American English'', G & C Merriam Company, Springfield, Mass, USA,1953.
	* {{cite book| first=Alamin| last=Mazrui| title=The power of Babel: language & governance in the African experience| publisher=University of Chicago Press| year=1998| isbn=0852558074| url=http://books.google.com/?id=6lQTPxdYx8kC| ref=refMazrui1998}}
	* {{cite book |last=McArthur |first=T. (ed.) |title=The Oxford Companion to the English Language |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1992 |isbn=0-19-214183-X}}
	* {{cite book|last=McCrum| first=|Robert;|coauthors=Robert MacNeil, William Cran |title=The Story of English|edition=1st|location=New York|publisher=Viking|year=1986|isbn=0-670-80467-3}}
	* {{cite book |last=Plotkin |first=Vulf |title=The Language System of English |publisher=BrownWalker Press |year=2006 |isbn=1-58112-993-9}}
	* {{cite book |last=Robinson |first=Orrin |title=Old English and Its Closest Relatives |publisher=Stanford Univ. Press |year=1992 |isbn=0-8047-2221-8}}
	* {{cite book| first=Edgar| last=Schneider| title=Postcolonial English: varieties around the world| publisher=Cambridge University Press| year=2007| isbn=0521831407| url=http://books.google.com/?id=QIE6zGSd8okC| ref=refSchneider2007}}
	* {{cite book| first=Ronald| last=Wardhaugh| title=An introduction to sociolinguistics| publisher=Wiley-Blackwell| year=2006| isbn=140513559X| url=http://books.google.com/?id=0J2VOzNYtKQC| ref=refWardhaugh2006}}
			Most Caribbean varieties are based on British English and consequently, most are non-rhotic, except for formal styles of Jamaican English which are often rhotic. Jamaican English differs from RP in its vowel inventory, which has a distinction between long and short vowels rather than tense and lax vowels as in Standard English. The diphthongs {{IPA|/ei/}} and {{IPA|/ou/}} are monophthongs {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}} or even the reverse diphthongs {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}} (e.g. ''bay'' and ''boat'' pronounced {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}}). Often word-final consonant clusters are simplified so that "child" is pronounced {{IPA|}} and "wind" {{IPA|}}.{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pages=117–18}}{{sfn|Lawton|1982|page=256–60}}{{sfn|Trudgill|Hannah|2002|pages=115–16}}
	==External links==
	{{Wiktionary|Appendix:List of Proto-Indo-European roots}}
	{{Wikiversity|Topic:English Language}}
	{{Commons category}}
	{{Wikiquote}}
	{{Wiktionarylang | code=en}}
	* Hear and compare how the same 110 words are pronounced in 50 English accents from around the world&nbsp;– instantaneous playback online
			As a historical legacy, ] tends to take RP as its ideal, and how well this ideal is realised in an individual's speech reflects class distinctions among Indian English speakers. Indian English accents are marked by the pronunciation of phonemes such as {{IPA|/t/}} and {{IPA|/d/}} (often pronounced with retroflex articulation as {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}}) and the replacement of {{IPA|/θ/}} and {{IPA|/ð/}} with dentals {{IPA|}} and {{IPA|}}. Sometimes Indian English speakers may also use spelling-based pronunciations where the silent {{angbr|h}} found in words such as ''ghost'' is pronounced as an Indian ] stop {{IPA|}}.{{sfn|Sailaja|2009|pages=19–24}}
	;Dictionaries
	*
			=== Non-native varieties ===
	*
			{{Main|Non-native pronunciations of English}}
	*
			{| style="text-align: center; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
	*
			| {{listen|filename=Non-native English reading by Spanish native speaker 001.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a ] man speaking English.|image=none}}
	*
			| {{listen|filename=Japan PM Shinzo Abe addressing US Congress 2015.ogg|title=Speech example|description=An example of a Japanese man speaking English (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	*
			| {{listen|filename=Werner Herzog BBC Radio4 Start the Week 26 March 2012 b01dtjcj.flac|title=Speech example|description=An example of a German man speaking English (]).|help=no|image=none}}
	*
			|}
	{{Template group
			] may pronounce words differently due to having not fully mastered ]. This can happen either because they apply the ]s of their mother tongue to English ("interference") or through implementing strategies similar to those used in ].<ref name="MacDonald">MacDonald, Marguerite (1989), "The influence of Spanish phonology on the English spoken by United States Hispanics", in Bjarkman, Peter; Hammond, Robert (eds.), American Spanish pronunciation: Theoretical and applied perspectives, Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, {{ISBN|9780878400997}} p. 224</ref> They may create innovative pronunciations for English sounds, not found in the speaker's first language.<ref name="MacDonald"/>
	|title=Articles Related to the English language
	|list =
			== See also ==
	{{Template group
			* ]
	|title=Linguistics
			* ]
	|list =
			* ]
	{{Germanic languages}}
			* ]
			== References ==
			{{Reflist}}
			=== Bibliography ===
			<!-- The entries in this bibliography are in alphabetical order. Comments show the names of named references. -->
			{{refbegin|indent=yes|30em}}
			<!-- AartsHaegeman2006
			-->* {{cite book|first1=Bas|last1=Aarts|first2=Liliane|last2=Haegeman|date=2006|chapter=6. English Word classes and Phrases|title=The Handbook of English Linguistics|editor1-last=Aarts|editor1-first=Bas|editor2-first=April|editor2-last=McMahon|publisher=Blackwell Publishing Ltd |isbn=9781405164252}}
			<!-- AbercrombieDaniels2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04878-1 |chapter=Spelling Reform Proposals: English |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Abercrombie |first1=D. |last2=Daniels |first2=P.T. |pages=72–75 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- AitkenMcArthur1979
			-->* {{cite book |editor1-last=Aitken |editor1-first=A. J. |editor2-last=McArthur |editor2-first=Tom |date=1979 |title=Languages of Scotland |location=Edinburgh |publisher=Chambers |series=Occasional paper – Association for Scottish Literary Studies; no. 4 |isbn=978-0-550-20261-1 }}
			<!-- Alcaraz-ArizaNavarro2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/02351-8 |chapter=Medicine: Use of English |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Alcaraz Ariza |first1=M.Á. |last2=Navarro |first2=F. |pages=752–759 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Algeo1999
			-->* {{cite book |last=Algeo |first=John |chapter=Chapter 2:Vocabulary |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NxHuNOvwt7wC&pg=PA57 |title=Cambridge History of the English Language |volume=IV: 1776–1997 |editor-last=Romaine |editor-first=Suzanne |pages=57–91 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=1999 |isbn=978-0-521-26477-8 |doi=10.1017/CHOL9780521264778.003 }}
			<!-- Ammon2006
			-->* {{cite journal |last=Ammon |first=Ulrich |s2cid=142692741 |title=Language Conflicts in the European Union: On finding a politically acceptable and practicable solution for EU institutions that satisfies diverging interests |journal=International Journal of Applied Linguistics |volume=16 |issue=3 |pages=319–338 |date=2006 |doi=10.1111/j.1473-4192.2006.00121.x |s2cid-access=free |via=DYLAN project |url=http://www.dylan-project.org/Dylan_en/presentation/dissemination/articles/assets/UDE-Ammon-LanguageConflictsInTheEuropeanUnion.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110102074109/http://www.dylan-project.org/Dylan_en/presentation/dissemination/articles/assets/UDE-Ammon-LanguageConflictsInTheEuropeanUnion.pdf |archive-date= Jan 2, 2011 }}
			<!-- Ammon2008
			-->* {{cite book |last=Ammon |first=Ulrich |chapter=Pluricentric and Divided Languages |editor1-last=Ammon |editor1-first=Ulrich N. |editor2-last=Dittmar |editor2-first=Norbert |editor3-last=Mattheier |editor3-first=Klaus J. |display-editors=3 |editor4-last=Trudgill |editor4-first=Peter |title=Sociolinguistics: An International Handbook of the Science of Language and Society / Soziolinguistik Ein internationales Handbuch zur Wissenschaft vov Sprache and Gesellschaft |volume=2 |date=2008 |edition=2nd completely revised and extended |publisher=de Gruyter |isbn=978-3-11-019425-8 |series=Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science / Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 3/2 }}
			<!-- Annamalai2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04611-3 |chapter=India: Language Situation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Annamalai |first1=E. |pages=610–613 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Australian Bureau of Statistics2013 official census of Australia
			-->* {{cite web |author=Australian Bureau of Statistics |title=2011 Census QuickStats: Australia |date=28 March 2013 |url=http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0 |access-date=25 March 2015 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151106221006/http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0 |archive-date=6 November 2015 }}
			<!-- Bailey2001
			-->* {{cite book |last=Bailey |first=Guy |chapter=Chapter 3: The relationship between African American and White Vernaculars |editor-last=Lanehart |editor-first=Sonja L. |title=Sociocultural and historical contexts of African American English |url=https://archive.org/details/socioculturalhis00lane |url-access=limited |date=2001 |pages=–84 |publisher=John Benjamins |series=Varieties of English around the World |isbn=978-1-58811-046-6 }}
			<!-- Bailey1997
			-->* {{cite book |last=Bailey |first=G. |date=1997 |chapter=When did southern American English begin |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zvFtOr5_BZAC&pg=PA255 |title=Englishes around the world |pages=255–275 |editor=Edgar W. Schneider|publisher=John Benjamins|isbn=9789027248763}}
			<!-- Bammesberger1992
			-->* {{cite book |last=Bammesberger |first=Alfred |date=1992 |chapter=Chapter 2: The Place of English in Germanic and Indo-European |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y83EPUUWnQkC&pg=PA26 |title=The Cambridge History of the English Language |volume=1: The Beginnings to 1066 |editor-last=Hogg |editor-first=Richard M. |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-26474-7 |pages=26–66 }}
			<!-- Bao2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04257-7 |chapter=Variation in Nonnative Varieties of English |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Bao |first1=Z. |pages=377–380 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Barry1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Barry |first=Michael V. |chapter=English in Ireland |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=84–134 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 }}
			<!-- BaughCable2002
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Baugh |first1=Albert C. |last2=Cable |first2=Thomas |title=A History of the English Language |edition=5th |publisher=Longman |date=2002 |isbn=978-0-13-015166-7 |url=https://archive.org/details/historyofenglish02baug }}
			<!-- Bermudez-OteroMcMahon2006
			-->* {{cite book|last1=Bermúdez-Otero|first1=Ricardo|first2=April|last2=McMahon|date=2006|chapter=Chapter 17: English phonology and morphology|editor1=Bas Aarts|editor2=April McMahon|title=The Handbook of English Linguistics|location=Oxford|publisher=Blackwell|isbn=978-1-4051-6425-2|chapter-url=http://www.blackwellreference.com/public/uid=3/tocnode?id=g9781405113823_chunk_g978140511382318|access-date=2 April 2015|doi=10.1111/b.9781405113823.2006.00018.x|pages=382–410|doi-broken-date=3 December 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170403030637/http://www.blackwellreference.com/public/uid=3/tocnode?id=g9781405113823_chunk_g978140511382318|archive-date=3 April 2017|url-status=dead}}
			<!-- BlenchSpriggs1999
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Blench |first1=R. |last2=Spriggs |first2=Matthew |title=Archaeology and Language: Correlating Archaeological and Linguistic Hypotheses |pages=285–286 |date=1999 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-11761-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DWMHhfXxLaIC&pg=PA286 |access-date=2 June 2020 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200408/https://books.google.com/books?id=DWMHhfXxLaIC&pg=PA286 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Boberg2010
			-->* {{cite book |last=Boberg |first=Charles |author-link=Charles Boberg |date=2010 |title=The English language in Canada: Status, history and comparative analysis |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-139-49144-0 |series=Studies in English Language}}
			<!-- BosworthToller1921
			-->* {{cite web |last1=Bosworth |first1=Joseph |author-link1=Joseph Bosworth |last2=Toller |first2=T. Northcote |title=Engla land |work=] (Online) |date=1921 |url=http://bosworth.ff.cuni.cz/009427 |access-date=6 March 2015 |publisher=] |archive-date=21 December 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121221212612/http://bosworth.ff.cuni.cz/009427 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- BrintonBrinton2010
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Brinton |first1=Laurel J. |last2=Brinton |first2=Donna M. |date=2010 |title=The linguistic structure of modern English |publisher=John Benjamins |isbn=978-90-272-8824-0 |url=https://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/z.156/main |access-date=2 April 2015 |archive-date=1 May 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150501194533/https://benjamins.com/#catalog/books/z.156/main |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Brutt-Griffler2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/00644-1 |chapter=Languages of Wider Communication |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Brutt-Griffler |first1=J. |pages=690–697 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Burridge2010
			-->* {{cite book |last=Burridge |first=Kate |chapter=Chapter 7: English in Australia |editor-last=Kirkpatrick |editor-first=Andy |date=2010 |title=The Routledge handbook of world Englishes |url=https://archive.org/details/routledgehandboo00kirk_142 |url-access=limited |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-62264-6 |pages=–151 }}
			<!-- Campbell1959
			-->* {{cite book |last=Campbell |first=Alistair |author-link=Alistair Campbell (academic) |title=Old English Grammar |location=] |publisher=] |date=1959 |isbn=978-0-19-811943-2 }}
			<!-- CarrHoneybone2007
			-->* {{cite journal |last1=Carr |first1=Philip |last2=Honeybone |first2=Patrick |date=2007 |title=English phonology and linguistic theory: an introduction to issues, and to 'Issues in English Phonology' |journal=Language Sciences |volume=29 |issue=2 |pages=117–153 |doi=10.1016/j.langsci.2006.12.018 }}
			<!-- Cassidy1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Cassidy |first=Frederic G. |chapter=Geographical Variation of English in the United States |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=177–210 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 }}
			<!-- Cercignani1981
			-->* {{cite book |last=Cercignani |first=Fausto |title=Shakespeare's works and Elizabethan pronunciation |date=1981 |publisher=Clarendon Press |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_JBlAAAAMAAJ |access-date=14 March 2015 |jstor=3728688 |isbn=978-0-19-811937-1 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200400/https://books.google.com/books?id=_JBlAAAAMAAJ |url-status=live }}
			<!-- CollingwoodMyres1936
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Collingwood |first1=Robin George |author-link=R. G. Collingwood |last2=Myres |first2=J. N. L. |chapter=Chapter XX. The Sources for the period: Angles, Saxons, and Jutes on the Continent |title=Roman Britain and the English Settlements |volume=Book V: The English Settlements |publisher=Clarendon Press |location=Oxford, England |date=1936 |lccn=37002621 |jstor=2143838}}
			<!-- CollinsMees2003
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Collins |first1=Beverley |last2=Mees |first2=Inger M. |year=2003 |orig-date=1981 |title=The Phonetics of English and Dutch |edition=5th |place=Leiden |publisher=Brill Publishers |isbn=978-90-04-10340-5 }}
			<!-- Connell2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01655-2 |chapter=Nigeria : Language Situation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Connell |first1=B.A. |pages=635–637 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- ConradRubal-Lopez1996
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Conrad |first1=Andrew W. |last2=Rubal-Lopez |first2=Alma |title=Post-Imperial English: Status Change in Former British and American Colonies, 1940–1990 |date=1996 |publisher=de Gruyter |isbn=978-3-11-087218-7 |url=http://www.degruyter.com/viewbooktoc/product/143492 |access-date=2 April 2015 |page=261 |url-access=subscription |archive-date=24 September 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924071825/http://www.degruyter.com/viewbooktoc/product/143492 |url-status=live }}
			* {{cite book |last=Cruttenden |first=Alan |date=2014 |title=Gimson's Pronunciation of English |edition=8th |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-4441-8309-2 }}
			<!-- CrystalLanguageDeath2002
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1017/CBO9781139106856 |title=Language Death |date=2000 |last1=Crystal |first1=David |isbn=978-0-521-65321-3 }}
			<!-- CrystalGlobalLanguage2003a
			-->* {{Cite book |last=Crystal |first=David |title=English as a Global Language |author-link=David Crystal |edition=2nd |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=69 |date=2003a |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=d6jPAKxTHRYC |access-date=4 February 2015 |isbn=978-0-521-53032-3 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200407/https://books.google.com/books?id=d6jPAKxTHRYC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- CrystalEncyclopedia2003b
			-->* {{cite book |last=Crystal |first=David |title=The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language |author-link=David Crystal |edition=2nd |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2003b |isbn=978-0-521-53033-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=A3b3ngEACAAJ |access-date=4 February 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200436/https://books.google.com/books?id=A3b3ngEACAAJ |url-status=live }}
			<!-- CrystalSubcontinent2004b
			-->* {{cite news |last=Crystal |first=David |title=Subcontinent Raises Its Voice |year=2004 |url=http://education.guardian.co.uk/tefl/story/0,,1355064,00.html |access-date=4 February 2015 |newspaper=The Guardian |archive-date=17 April 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080417171455/http://education.guardian.co.uk/tefl/story/0,,1355064,00.html |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Crystal2006
			-->* {{cite book |last=Crystal |first=David |chapter=Chapter 9: English worldwide |title=A History of the English Language |url=https://archive.org/details/historyenglishla00hogg |url-access=limited |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-511-16893-2 |pages=–439 }}
			<!-- DanielsBright1996
			-->* {{cite book |editor1-last=Daniels |editor1-first=Peter T. |editor2-last=Bright |editor2-first=William |title=The World's Writing Systems |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=621jAAAAMAAJ |access-date=23 February 2015 |date=1996 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-507993-7 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200408/https://books.google.com/books?id=621jAAAAMAAJ |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Dehaene2009
			-->* {{cite book|last=Dehaene|first=Stanislas|title=Reading in the Brain: The Science and Evolution of a Human Invention|date=2009|publisher=Viking|isbn=978-0-670-02110-9|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6Z2hjwEACAAJ|access-date=3 April 2015|archive-date=17 March 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200401/https://books.google.com/books?id=6Z2hjwEACAAJ|url-status=live}}
			<!-- DenisonHogg2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Denison |first1=David |last2=Hogg |first2=Richard M. |author-link2=Richard Milne Hogg |chapter=Overview |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |title=A History of the English language |url=https://archive.org/details/historyenglishla00hogg |url-access=limited |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-71799-1 |pages=–31 }}
			<!-- DenningKesslerLeben2007
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Denning |first1=Keith |last2=Kessler |first2=Brett |last3=Leben |first3=William Ronald |title=English Vocabulary Elements |date=17 February 2007 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-516803-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jz76l9RAccQC |access-date=25 February 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200436/https://books.google.com/books?id=jz76l9RAccQC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Deumert2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01294-3 |chapter=Migration and Language |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Deumert |first1=A. |pages=129–133 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Dixon 1982
			-->* {{cite journal |last=Dixon|first=R. M. W. |date=1982 |title=The grammar of English phrasal verbs |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=2 |issue=1|doi=10.1080/07268608208599280 |pages=1–42}}
			<!-- Donoghue2008
			-->* {{cite book |last=Donoghue |first=D. |title=Old English Literature: A Short Introduction |publisher=Wiley |date=2008 |isbn=978-0-631-23486-9 |doi=10.1002/9780470776025 |editor1-last=Donoghue |editor1-first=Daniel }}
			<!-- Durrell2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/02189-1 |chapter=Germanic Languages |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Durrell |first1=M. |pages=53–55 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Eagleson1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Eagleson |first=Robert D. |chapter=English in Australia and New Zealand |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=415–438 |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press }}
			<!-- Ethnologue
			-->* {{cite web |url=http://www.ethnologue.com/statistics/size |title=Summary by language size |access-date=10 February 2015 |author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.--> |website=Ethnologue: Languages of the World |ref={{harvid|Ethnologue|2010}} |archive-date=26 December 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181226040016/https://www.ethnologue.com/statistics/size |url-status=live }}
			<!-- EuropeanCommission2012
			-->* {{cite report |author=European Commission |title=Special Eurobarometer 386: Europeans and Their Languages |date=June 2012 |series=Eurobarometer Special Surveys |url=http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_386_en.pdf |access-date=12 February 2015 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160106183351/http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/ebs/ebs_386_en.pdf |archive-date=6 January 2016 }}
			<!--FasoldConnor-Linton2014
			-->* {{cite book |editor1-last=Fasold |editor1-first=Ralph W. |editor2-last=Connor-Linton |editor2-first=Jeffrey |title=An Introduction to Language and Linguistics |edition=Second |date=2014 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-316-06185-5 }}
			<!-- Fischer-van der Wurff2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Fischer |first1=Olga |last2=van der Wurff |first2=Wim |chapter=Chapter 3: Syntax |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |title=A History of the English language |url=https://archive.org/details/historyenglishla00hogg |url-access=limited |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-71799-1 |pages=–198 }}
			* {{cite journal |last1=Flemming |first1=Edward |last2=Johnson |first2=Stephanie |year=2007 |title=''Rosa's roses'': reduced vowels in American English |journal=] |volume=37 |issue=1 |pages=83–96 |doi=10.1017/S0025100306002817 |url=http://web.mit.edu/flemming/www/paper/rosasroses.pdf |citeseerx=10.1.1.536.1989 |s2cid=145535175 |access-date=2 September 2018 |archive-date=19 September 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180919182406/http://web.mit.edu/flemming/www/paper/rosasroses.pdf |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Giegerich1992
			-->* {{cite book |title=English Phonology: An Introduction |first=Heinz J. |last=Giegerich |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=1992 |isbn=978-0-521-33603-1 |series=Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics }}
			<!-- Gneuss2013
			-->* {{cite book |last=Gneuss |first=Helmut |chapter=Chapter 2: The Old English Language |editor1-last=Godden |editor1-first=Malcolm |editor2-last=Lapidge |editor2-first=Michael |date=2013 |title=The Cambridge companion to Old English literature |edition=Second |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-15402-4 |pages=19–49 }}
			<!-- Görlach1991
			-->* {{cite book |last=Görlach |first=Manfred |title=Introduction to Early Modern English |date=1991 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-32529-5 }}
			<!-- Gordin2015
			-->* {{cite web |last=Gordin |first=Michael D. |title=Absolute English |url=http://aeon.co/magazine/science/how-did-science-come-to-speak-only-english/ |access-date=16 February 2015 |work=] |date=4 February 2015 |archive-date=7 February 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150207162247/http://aeon.co/magazine/science/how-did-science-come-to-speak-only-english/ |url-status=dead }}
			<!-- GordonCampbellHay et al.2004
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Gordon |first1=Elizabeth |last2=Campbell |first2=Lyle |last3=Hay |first3=Jennifer |last4=Maclagan |first4=Margaret |last5=Sudbury |first5=Angela |last6=Trudgill |first6=Peter |author-link6=Peter Trudgill |date=2004 |title=New Zealand English: its origins and evolution|publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-10895-9 |series=Studies in English Language |ref={{harvid|Gordon|Campbell|Hay et al.|2004}}}}
			<!-- Gottlieb2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04455-2 |chapter=Linguistic Influence |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Gottlieb |first1=H. |pages=196–206 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Graddol2006
			-->* {{cite book |last=Graddol |first=David |title=English Next: Why global English may mean the end of 'English as a Foreign Language' |author-link=David Graddol |url=http://englishagenda.britishcouncil.org/sites/ec/files/books-english-next.pdf |access-date=7 February 2015 |date=2006 |publisher=The British Council |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150212042939/http://englishagenda.britishcouncil.org/sites/ec/files/books-english-next.pdf |archive-date=12 February 2015 }}
			<!-- Graddol2010
			-->* {{cite book |last=Graddol |first=David |title=English Next India: The future of English in India |author-link=David Graddol |url=http://englishagenda.britishcouncil.org/sites/ec/files/books-english-next-india-2010.pdf |access-date=7 February 2015 |date=2010 |publisher=The British Council |isbn=978-0-86355-627-2 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150212042654/http://englishagenda.britishcouncil.org/sites/ec/files/books-english-next-india-2010.pdf |archive-date=12 February 2015 }}
			<!-- GraddolLeithSwann et al.2007
			-->* {{cite book |editor1-last=Graddol |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Leith |editor2-first=Dick |editor3-last=Swann |editor3-first=Joan |editor4-last=Rhys |editor4-first=Martin |editor5-last=Gillen |editor5-first=Julia |title=Changing English |url=http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415376792/ |access-date=11 February 2015 |date=2007 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-37679-2 |ref={{harvid|Graddol|Leith|Swann et al.|2007}} |archive-date=24 February 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150224062821/http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415376792/ |url-status=live }}
			<!--Green2002
			-->* {{cite book |last=Green |first=Lisa J. |date=2002 |title=African American English: a linguistic introduction |url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780521891387 |url-access=registration |publisher=Cambridge University Press }}
			<!-- Greenbaum
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Greenbaum |first1=S. |last2=Nelson |first2=G. |title=An introduction to English grammar |date=2002 |edition=Second |publisher=Longman |isbn=978-0-582-43741-8 }}
			<!-- Halliday & Hasan 1976
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Halliday |first1=M. A. K. |last2=Hasan|first2=Ruqaiya|date=1976|title=Cohesion in English|publisher=Pearson Education ltd.|isbn=978-0-582-55041-4 }}
			<!-- Harbert2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1017/CBO9780511755071 |title=The Germanic Languages |date=2006 |last1=Harbert |first1=Wayne |isbn=978-0-521-80825-5 }}
			<!-- Hickey 2007
			-->* {{cite book |last=Hickey |first=R. |date=2007 |title=Irish English: History and present-day forms |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-85299-9 }}
			<!-- Hogg1992
			-->* {{cite book |last=Hogg |first=Richard M. |s2cid=161881054 |chapter=Chapter 3: Phonology and Morphology |editor-last=Hogg |editor-first=Richard M. |title=The Cambridge History of the English Language |volume=1: The Beginnings to 1066 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=1992 |isbn=978-0-521-26474-7 |doi=10.1017/CHOL9780521264747 |pages=67–168 }}
			<!-- Hogg2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Hogg |first1=Richard M. |chapter=Chapter7: English in Britain |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |title=A History of the English language |url=https://archive.org/details/historyenglishla00hogg |url-access=limited |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-71799-1 |pages=–61 }}
			<!--How English evolved into a global language
			-->* {{cite web |title=How English evolved into a global language |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-12017753 |date=20 December 2010 |publisher=BBC News |access-date=9 August 2015 |ref={{harvid|How English evolved into a global language|2010}} |archive-date=25 September 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150925173407/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-12017753 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- HuddlestonPullum2002
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Huddleston |first1=Rodney |last2=Pullum |first2=Geoffrey K. |title=The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language |date=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |isbn=978-0-521-43146-0 |url=http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/languages-linguistics/grammar-and-syntax/cambridge-grammar-english-language |access-date=10 February 2015 |archive-date=12 February 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150212000801/http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/languages-linguistics/grammar-and-syntax/cambridge-grammar-english-language |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Hughes & Trudgill 1996
			-->* {{cite book |first1=Arthur |last1=Hughes |last2=Trudgill |first2=Peter |author-link2=Peter Trudgill |date=1996 |title=English Accents and Dialects |edition=3rd |publisher=Arnold Publishers |isbn=9780340614457 }}
			<!-- International Civil Aviation Organization
			-->* {{cite web |title=Personnel Licensing FAQ |url=http://www.icao.int/safety/airnavigation/pages/peltrgfaq.aspx#anchor14 |access-date=16 December 2014 |publisher=International Civil Aviation Organization – Air Navigation Bureau |date=2011 |at=In which languages does a licence holder need to demonstrate proficiency? |quote=Controllers working on stations serving designated airports and routes used by international air services shall demonstrate language proficiency in English as well as in any other language(s) used by the station on the ground. |archive-date=20 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141220003044/http://www.icao.int/safety/airnavigation/pages/peltrgfaq.aspx#anchor14 |url-status=live | ref = {{SfnRef|International Civil Aviation Organization|2011}} }}
			<!-- International Maritime Organization
			-->* {{cite web |author=International Maritime Organization |title=IMO Standard Marine Communication Phrases |date=2011 |url=http://www.imo.org/OurWork/Safety/Navigation/Pages/StandardMarineCommunicationPhrases.aspx |access-date=16 December 2014 |archive-date=3 October 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111003233938/http://www.imo.org/OurWork/Safety/Navigation/Pages/StandardMarineCommunicationPhrases.aspx |url-status=dead }}
			<!-- International Phonetics Association 1999
			-->* {{Cite book |last=International Phonetic Association |author-link=International Phonetic Association |date=1999 |title=Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet |location=Cambridge |publisher=]|isbn=978-0-521-65236-0 }}
			<!-- Jambor2007
			-->* {{cite journal |last=Jambor |first=Paul Z. |title=English Language Imperialism: Points of View |journal=Journal of English as an International Language |date=2007 |volume=2 |pages=103–123 |url=https://www.eilj.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/2-december%202007.pdf#page=103 |access-date=11 December 2023 |archive-date=11 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231211184023/https://www.eilj.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/2-december%202007.pdf#page=103 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Jespersen 2007
			-->* {{cite book |last=Jespersen |first=Otto |title=The Philosophy of Grammar |chapter=Case: The number of English cases |publisher=Routledge |orig-date=1924 |date=2007 }}
			<!-- Kachru2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/00645-3 |chapter=English: World Englishes |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Kachru |first1=B. |pages=195–202 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Kastovsky2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Kastovsky |first1=Dieter |chapter=Chapter 4: Vocabulary |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |title=A History of the English language |url=https://archive.org/details/historyenglishla00hogg |url-access=limited |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-71799-1 |pages=–270 }}
			<!-- KönigvanderAuwera1994
			-->* {{cite book |editor1-last=König |editor1-first=Ekkehard |editor2-last=van der Auwera |editor2-first=Johan |title=The Germanic Languages |date=1994 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-28079-2 |series=Routledge Language Family Descriptions |url=http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415280792/ |access-date=26 February 2015 |jstor=4176538 |archive-date=2 April 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402101046/http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415280792/ |url-status=live }} The survey of the Germanic branch languages includes chapters by Winfred P. Lehmann, ], John Ole Askedal, Erik Andersson, Neil Jacobs, Silke Van Ness, and Suzanne Romaine.
			<!-- König 1994
			-->* {{cite book |last=König |first=Ekkehard |chapter=17. English |pages=532–562 |editor1-last=König |editor1-first=Ekkehard |editor2-last=van der Auwera |editor2-first=Johan |title=The Germanic Languages |date=1994 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0-415-28079-2 |series=Routledge Language Family Descriptions |chapter-url=http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415280792/ |access-date=26 February 2015 |jstor=4176538 |archive-date=2 April 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402101046/http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415280792/ |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Labov 1972
			-->* {{cite book |last=Labov |first=W. |author-link=William Labov |date=1972 |title=Sociolinguistic patterns |publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press |chapter=The Social Stratification of (r) in New York City Department Stores |pages=168–178 |doi=10.1007/978-1-349-25582-5_14 |isbn=978-0-333-61180-7 |s2cid=107967883 }}
			<!-- Labov 2012
			-->* {{cite book |last=Labov |first=W. |date=2012 |title=Dialect Diversity in America: The Politics of Language Change |publisher=University of Virginia Press |chapter=1. About Language and Language Change |isbn=9780813933276 }}
			<!-- Lanham 1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Lanham |first=L. W. |chapter=English in South Africa |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=324–352 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 }}
			<!--Lass 1992
			-->* {{cite book |last=Lass |first=Roger |chapter=2. Phonology and Morphology |editor1-last=Blake |editor1-first=Norman |title=Cambridge History of the English Language |volume=II: 1066–1476 |pages=23–154 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=1992 |doi=10.1017/CHOL9780521264754.003|isbn=978-1-139-05553-6 }}
			<!-- Lass2000
			-->* {{cite book |last=Lass |first=Roger |chapter=Chapter 3: Phonology and Morphology |editor-first=Roger |editor-last=Lass |title=The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume III: 1476–1776 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |date=2000 |pages=56–186 }}
			<!-- Lass 2002
			-->* {{citation |last=Lass |first=Roger |chapter=South African English |editor-last=Mesthrie |editor-first=Rajend |date=2002 |title=Language in South Africa |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-79105-2 }}
			<!-- Lass2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Lass |first1=Roger |chapter=Chapter 2: Phonology and Morphology |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |title=A History of the English language |url=https://archive.org/details/historyenglishla00hogg |url-access=limited |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-71799-1 |pages=–47 }}
			<!-- Lawler2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04573-9 |chapter=Punctuation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Lawler |first1=J. |pages=290–291 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Lawton 1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Lawton |first=David L. |chapter=English in the Caribbean |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=251–280 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 }}
			<!-- Leech 2006
			-->* {{cite book|last=Leech|first=G. N.|author-link=Geoffrey Leech|date=2006|title=A glossary of English grammar|publisher=Edinburgh University Press|isbn=0748624066}}
			<!-- LeechHundtMairSmith2009
			-->* {{cite book |url=http://english.fullerton.edu/publications/clnarchives/2012winter/angus-chng%20contemp_eng.pdf |last1=Leech |first1=Geoffrey |last2=Hundt |first2=Marianne |last3=Mair |first3=Christian |last4=Smith |first4=Nicholas |title=Change in contemporary English: a grammatical study |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2009 |isbn=978-0-521-86722-1 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402140536/http://english.fullerton.edu/publications/clnarchives/2012winter/angus-chng%20contemp_eng.pdf |archive-date=2 April 2015 |access-date=22 September 2016 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- LevineCrocket1966
			-->* {{cite journal |last1=Levine |first1=L. |last2=Crockett |first2=H. J. |date=1966 |title=Speech Variation in a Piedmont Community: Postvocalic r*|journal=Sociological Inquiry |volume=36 |issue=2 |pages=204–226 |doi=10.1111/j.1475-682x.1966.tb00625.x }}
			<!-- Li2003
			-->* {{cite journal |last1=Li |first1=David C. S. |title=Between English and Esperanto: what does it take to be a world language? |journal=International Journal of the Sociology of Language |issue=164 |pages=33–63 |date=2003 |issn=0165-2516 |doi=10.1515/ijsl.2003.055 }}
			<!-- LimAnsaldo2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01701-6 |chapter=Singapore: Language Situation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Lim |first1=L. |last2=Ansaldo |first2=U. |pages=387–389 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Maclagan 2010
			-->* {{cite book |last=Maclagan |first=Margaret |chapter=Chapter 8: The English(es) of New Zealand |editor-last=Kirkpatrick |editor-first=Andy |date=2010 |title=The Routledge handbook of world Englishes |url=https://archive.org/details/routledgehandboo00kirk |url-access=limited |publisher=Routledge |pages=–164 |isbn=978-0-203-84932-3 }}
			<!--MacMahon 2006
			-->* {{cite book |last=MacMahon |first=M. K. |date=2006 |chapter=16. English Phonetics |editor1=Bas Aarts |editor2=April McMahon |title=The Handbook of English Linguistics |location=Oxford |publisher=Blackwell |pages=359–382 |isbn=978-1-4051-6425-2 }}
			<!-- Macquarie Dictionary2015
			-->* {{cite web |author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.--> |url=https://www.macquariedictionary.com.au/ |title=Macquarie Dictionary |website=Australia's National Dictionary & Thesaurus Online &#124; Macquarie Dictionary |date=2015 |publisher=Macmillan Publishers Group Australia |access-date=15 February 2015 |url-access=registration |ref={{harvid|Macquarie Dictionary|2015}} |archive-date=21 July 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190721141547/https://www.macquariedictionary.com.au/ |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Mair & Leech 2006
			-->* {{cite book|last1=Mair|first1=C. |last2=Leech |first2=G. |date=2006 |chapter=14 Current Changes in English Syntax |title=The Handbook of English Linguistics |publisher=Blackwell |isbn=978-1-405-16425-2 }}
			<!-- Mair 2006
			-->* {{cite book |last=Mair |first=Christian |date=2006 |title=Twentieth-century English: History, variation and standardization |publisher=Cambridge University Press |doi=10.1017/S1360674307002420 |s2cid=120824612 }}
			<!-- MazruiMazrui1998 was refMazrui1998
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Mazrui |first1=Ali A. |last2=Mazrui |first2=Alamin |title=The Power of Babel: Language and Governance in the African Experience |date=1998 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |isbn=978-0-226-51429-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6lQTPxdYx8kC |access-date=15 February 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200404/https://books.google.com/books?id=6lQTPxdYx8kC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- McArthur1992
			-->* {{cite book |editor-last=McArthur |editor-first=Tom |title=The Oxford Companion to the English Language |publisher=Oxford University Press |date=1992 |isbn=978-0-19-214183-5 |doi=10.1093/acref/9780192800619.001.0001 |url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00mcar }}
			<!-- McCrumMacNeilCran2003
			-->* {{Cite book |last1=McCrum |first1=Robert |last2=MacNeil |first2=Robert |last3=Cran |first3=William |title=The Story of English |location=London |date=2003 |edition=Third Revised |publisher=Penguin Books |isbn=978-0-14-200231-5 }}
			<!-- McGuinness1997
			-->* {{cite book |last=McGuinness |first=Diane |title=Why Our Children Can't Read, and what We Can Do about it: A Scientific Revolution in Reading |author-link=Diane McGuinness |date=1997 |publisher=Simon and Schuster |isbn=978-0-684-83161-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F-q02ZBKh3wC |access-date=3 April 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200441/https://books.google.com/books?id=F-q02ZBKh3wC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Meierkord2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/00641-6 |chapter=Lingua Francas as Second Languages |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Meierkord |first1=C. |pages=163–171 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- MerriamWebster2015
			-->* {{cite web |author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.--> |title=English |publisher=Merriam Webster |date=26 February 2015 |url=http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/English |access-date=26 February 2015 |ref={{harvid|Merriam Webster|2015}} |archive-date=25 March 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150325140932/http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/english |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Methrie2006
			-->* {{cite journal |last1=Mesthrie |first1=Rajend |title=New Englishes and the native speaker debate |journal=Language Sciences |date=November 2010 |volume=32 |issue=6 |pages=594–601 |doi=10.1016/j.langsci.2010.08.002 }}
			<!-- Miller 2002
			-->* {{cite book |last=Miller |first=Jim |date=2002 |title=An Introduction to English Syntax |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |isbn=0748612548 }}
			<!-- Montgomery
			-->* {{cite journal |last=Montgomery |first=M. |date=1993 |title=The Southern Accent—Alive and Well |journal=Southern Cultures |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=47–64 |doi=10.1353/scu.1993.0006 |s2cid=143984864 }}
			<!-- Mountford2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/05018-5 |chapter=English Spelling: Rationale |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Mountford |first1=J. |pages=156–159 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Mufwene2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01291-8 |chapter=Language Spread |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Mufwene |first1=S.S. |pages=613–616 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Nation2001 needs more verification
			-->* {{Cite book |last=Nation |first=I. S. P. |title=Learning Vocabulary in Another Language |author-link=Paul Nation |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2001 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sKqx8k8gYTkC |access-date=4 February 2015 |page=477 |isbn=978-0-521-80498-1 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200409/https://books.google.com/books?id=sKqx8k8gYTkC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- National Records of Scotland2013 official census data for Scotland
			-->* {{cite web |author=National Records of Scotland |title=Census 2011: Release 2A |series=Scotland's Census 2011 |date=26 September 2013 |url=http://www.scotlandscensus.gov.uk/news/census-2011-release-2a |access-date=25 March 2015 |archive-date=2 April 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402152137/http://www.scotlandscensus.gov.uk/news/census-2011-release-2a |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Neijt2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04574-0 |chapter=Spelling Reform |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Neijt |first1=A. |pages=68–71 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- NevalainenTieken-Boon van Ostade2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Nevalainen |first1=Terttu |last2=Tieken-Boon van Ostade |first2=Ingrid |chapter=Chapter 5: Standardization |editor1-last=Denison |editor1-first=David |editor2-last=Hogg |editor2-first=Richard M. |title=A History of the English language |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-521-71799-1 }}
			<!-- Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency2012
			-->* {{cite web |author=Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency |title=Census 2011: Key Statistics for Northern Ireland December 2012 |periodical=Statistics Bulletin |date=2012 |url=http://www.nisra.gov.uk/Census/key_report_2011.pdf |access-date=16 December 2014 |at=Table KS207NI: Main Language |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121224033625/http://www.nisra.gov.uk/Census/key_report_2011.pdf |archive-date=24 December 2012 }}
			<!-- Northrup2013
			-->* {{cite book |last=Northrup |first=David |title=How English Became the Global Language |date=2013 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-1-137-30306-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YPAlPeB6IvQC |access-date=25 March 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200433/https://books.google.com/books?id=YPAlPeB6IvQC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- O'Dwyer 2006
			-->* {{cite book |last=O'Dwyer |first=Bernard |title=Modern English Structures: Form, Function, and Position |edition=2nd |publisher=Broadview Press |publication-place=Canada |year=2006 |isbn=978-1-5511-1763-8}}
			<!-- Office for National Statistics official census figures for England and Wales
			-->* {{cite web |author=Office for National Statistics |title=Language in England and Wales, 2011 |date=4 March 2013 |periodical=2011 Census Analysis |url=http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census-analysis/language-in-england-and-wales-2011/rpt---language-in-england-and-wales--2011.html |access-date=16 December 2014 |archive-date=2 April 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402115009/http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census-analysis/language-in-england-and-wales-2011/rpt---language-in-england-and-wales--2011.html |url-status=live }}
			<!-- OxfordLearner'sDictionary
			-->* {{cite web |author=<!--Staff writer(s); no by-line.--> |title=Oxford Learner's Dictionaries |url=http://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/ |access-date=25 February 2015 |publisher=Oxford |ref={{harvid|Oxford Learner's Dictionary|2015}} |archive-date=9 February 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150209040312/http://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/ |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Patrick2006aJamaica
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01760-0 |chapter=Jamaica: Language Situation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006a |last1=Patrick |first1=P.L. |pages=88–90 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Patrick2006bAAVE
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/05092-6 |chapter=English, African-American Vernacular |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006b |last1=Patrick |first1=P.L. |pages=159–163 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Payne & Huddleston 2002
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Payne |last2=Huddleston |first1=John |first2=Rodney |chapter=5. Nouns and noun phrases |editor1-last=Huddleston |editor2-last=Pullum |editor1-first=R. |editor2-first=G. K. |date=2002 |title=The Cambridge Grammar of English |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |pages=323–522 |doi=10.1017/9781316423530.006 |isbn=978-0-521-43146-0 }}
			<!-- Phillipson2004
			-->* {{cite book |last=Phillipson |first=Robert |title=English-Only Europe?: Challenging Language Policy |date=28 April 2004 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-134-44349-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9HiCAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47 |access-date=15 February 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200434/https://books.google.com/books?id=9HiCAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Richter2012
			-->* {{cite book |last=Richter |first=Ingo |chapter=Introduction |editor1-last=Richter |editor1-first=Dagmar |editor2-last=Richter |editor2-first=Ingo |editor3-last=Toivanen |editor3-first=Reeta |display-editors=3 |editor4-last=Ulasiuk |editor4-first=Iryna |title=Language Rights Revisited: The challenge of global migration and communication |date=2012 |publisher=BWV Verlag |isbn=978-3-8305-2809-8 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3u9kBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA29 |access-date=2 April 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200439/https://books.google.com/books?id=3u9kBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA29 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Roach1999
			-->* {{cite book |last=Roach |first=Peter |title=English Phonetics and Phonology |date=2009 |publisher=Cambridge |edition=4th }}
			<!-- Robinson1992
			-->* {{cite book |last=Robinson |first=Orrin |author-link=Orrin W. Robinson (philologist) |title=Old English and Its Closest Relatives: A Survey of the Earliest Germanic Languages |publisher=Stanford University Press |date=1992 |isbn=978-0-8047-2221-6 |url=https://archive.org/details/oldenglishitsclo0000robi |url-access=registration |access-date=5 April 2015 }}
			<!-- Romaine1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Romaine |first=Suzanne |chapter=English in Scotland |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=56–83 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 }}
			<!-- Romaine1999
			-->* {{cite book |last=Romaine |first=Suzanne |chapter=Chapter 1: Introduction |title=Cambridge History of the English Language |volume=IV: 1776–1997 |editor-last=Romaine |editor-first=Suzanne |pages=01–56 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=1999 |isbn=978-0-521-26477-8 |doi=10.1017/CHOL9780521264778.002 }}
			<!-- Romaine2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/00646-5 |chapter=Language Policy in Multilingual Educational Contexts |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Romaine |first1=S. |pages=584–596 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Routes of English
			-->* {{cite web |title=The Routes of English |url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/routesofenglish/storysofar/programme4_6.shtml |date=1 August 2015 |website=BBC |ref={{harvid|The Routes of English}} |access-date=9 August 2015 |archive-date=24 October 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151024081346/http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/routesofenglish/storysofar/programme4_6.shtml |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Rowicka2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01848-4 |chapter=Canada: Language Situation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Rowicka |first1=G.J. |pages=194–195 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Rubino2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01736-3 |chapter=Philippines: Language Situation |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Rubino |first1=C. |pages=323–326 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Ryan2013 an official report of the United States Census
			-->* {{cite web |last=Ryan |first=Camille |title=Language Use in the United States: 2011 |periodical=American Community Survey Reports |date=August 2013 |page=1 |url=https://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/acs-22.pdf |access-date=16 December 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160205101044/http://www.census.gov/prod/2013pubs/acs-22.pdf |archive-date=5 February 2016 |url-status=dead }}
			<!-- Sailaja 2009
			-->* {{cite book |last=Sailaja |first=Pingali |title=Indian English |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |date=2009 |isbn=978-0-7486-2595-6 |series=Dialects of English |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ntxWxuoRBiwC |access-date=5 April 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200426/https://books.google.com/books?id=ntxWxuoRBiwC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Schiffrin 1988
			-->* {{cite book |last=Schiffrin |first=Deborah |date=1988 |title=Discourse Markers |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-35718-0 |series=Studies in Interactional Sociolinguistics |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hs7J-WqPtPAC |access-date=5 April 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200436/https://books.google.com/books?id=hs7J-WqPtPAC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Schneider2007
			-->* {{cite book |last=Schneider |first=Edgar |title=Postcolonial English: Varieties Around the World |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2007 |isbn=978-0-521-53901-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QIE6zGSd8okC |access-date=5 April 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200423/https://books.google.com/books?id=QIE6zGSd8okC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Schonweitz2001
			-->* {{cite journal |last=Schönweitz |first=Thomas |title=Gender and Postvocalic /r/ in the American South: A Detailed Socioregional Analysis |journal=American Speech |volume=76 |issue=3 |date=2001 |pages=259–285 |doi=10.1215/00031283-76-3-259|s2cid=144403823 }}
			<!-- Shaywitz2003
			-->* {{cite book |last=Shaywitz |first=Sally E. |title=Overcoming Dyslexia: A New and Complete Science-based Program for Reading Problems at Any Level |date=2003 |publisher=A.A. Knopf |isbn=978-0-375-40012-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hXbZ1QInSF0C |access-date=3 April 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200441/https://books.google.com/books?id=hXbZ1QInSF0C |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Smith2009
			-->* {{cite book |last=Smith |first=Jeremy J. |title=Old English: A Linguistic Introduction |publisher=Cambridge University Press |publication-place=United Kingdom |date=2009 |isbn=978-0-521-86677-4 }}
			<!-- Statistics Canada2014 official census of Canada
			-->* {{cite web |author=Statistics Canada |title=Population by mother tongue and age groups (total), 2011 counts, for Canada, provinces and territories |date=22 August 2014 |url=http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/hlt-fst/lang/Pages/highlight.cfm?TabID=1&Lang=E&Asc=0&PRCode=01&OrderBy=2&View=1&tableID=401&queryID=1&Age=1#TableSummary |access-date=25 March 2015 |archive-date=26 July 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180726032921/http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/hlt-fst/lang/Pages/highlight.cfm?TabID=1&Lang=E&Asc=0&PRCode=01&OrderBy=2&View=1&tableID=401&queryID=1&Age=1#TableSummary |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Statistics New Zealand2014 official census of New Zealand
			-->* {{cite web |author=Statistics New Zealand |title=2013 QuickStats About Culture and Identity |date=April 2014 |url=http://www.stats.govt.nz/~/media/Statistics/Census/2013%20Census/profile-and-summary-reports/quickstats-culture-identity/quickstats-culture-identity.pdf |page=23 |access-date=25 March 2015 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150115195639/http://www.stats.govt.nz/~/media/Statistics/Census/2013%20Census/profile-and-summary-reports/quickstats-culture-identity/quickstats-culture-identity.pdf |archive-date=15 January 2015 }}
			<!-- Statistics South Africa2012 official census of South Africa
			-->* {{cite book |publisher=Statistics South Africa |title=Census 2011: Census in Brief |id=Report No. 03‑01‑41 |date=2012 |isbn=978-0-621-41388-5 |url=http://www.statssa.gov.za/census/census_2011/census_products/Census_2011_Census_in_brief.pdf |chapter=Population by first language spoken and province |ref={{SfnRef|Statistics South Africa|2012}} |page=23 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151113164744/http://www.statssa.gov.za/census/census_2011/census_products/Census_2011_Census_in_brief.pdf |archive-date=13 November 2015 |url-status=live |chapter-url=http://www.statssa.gov.za/census/census_2011/census_products/Census_2011_Census_in_brief.pdf#page=28 |editor-first=Pali |editor-last=Lehohla |location=Pretoria }}
			<!-- SvartikLeech2006
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Svartvik |first1=Jan |last2=Leech |first2=Geoffrey |title=English – One Tongue, Many Voices |date=2006 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-1-4039-1830-7 |url=https://archive.org/details/englishonetongue0000svar |url-access=registration |access-date=5 March 2015 }}
			<!-- Swan2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/05058-6 |chapter=English in the Present Day (Since ca. 1900) |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Swan |first1=M. |pages=149–156 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Sweet1892
			-->* {{cite book |last=Sweet |first=Henry |title=A new English grammar |url=https://archive.org/details/anewenglishgram01sweegoog |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=2014 |orig-date=1892 }}
			<!-- Thomas 2008
			-->* {{cite book |last=Thomas |first=Erik R. |date=2008 |chapter=Rural Southern white accents |title=Varieties of English |volume=2: The Americas and the Caribbean |pages=87–114 |editor=Edgar W. Schneider |publisher=de Gruyter |doi=10.1515/9783110208405.1.87 |isbn=978-3-11-020840-5 }}
			<!-- ThomasonKaufman1988
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Thomason |first1=Sarah G. |author-link=Sarah Thomason |last2=Kaufman |first2=Terrence |author-link2=Terrence Kaufman |title=Language Contact, Creolization and Genetic Linguistics |url=https://archive.org/details/rosettaproject_afr_detail-2 |publisher=University of California Press |date=1988 |isbn=978-0-520-91279-3 }}
			<!-- Toon1982
			-->* {{cite book |last=Toon |first=Thomas E. |chapter=Variation in Contemporary American English |editor1-last=Bailey |editor1-first=Richard W. |editor2-last=Görlach |editor2-first=Manfred |title=English as a World Language |pages=210–250 |date=1982 |publisher=University of Michigan Press |isbn=978-3-12-533872-2 }}
			<!-- Toon1992
			-->* {{cite book |last=Toon |first=Thomas E. |chapter=Old English Dialects |editor-last=Hogg |editor-first=Richard M. |title=The Cambridge History of the English Language |volume=1: The Beginnings to 1066 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |date=1992 |isbn=978-0-521-26474-7 |pages=409–451 }}
			<!-- TraskTrask2010
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Trask |first1=Larry |last2=Trask |first2=Robert Lawrence |title=Why Do Languages Change? |date=2010 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-83802-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9qoZzBgCmFMC |access-date=5 March 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200449/https://books.google.com/books?id=9qoZzBgCmFMC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Trudgill 1999
			-->* {{cite book |last=Trudgill |first=Peter |date=1999 |title=The Dialects of England |edition=2nd |publisher=Blackwell |location=Oxford |isbn=978-0-631-21815-9}}
			<!-- Trudgill2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01506-6 |chapter=Accent |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Trudgill |first1=P. |page=14 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Trudgill & Hannah 2002 replace with 2008 5th edition
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Trudgill |first1=Peter |first2=Jean |last2=Hannah |date=2002 |title=International English: A Guide to the Varieties of Standard English |edition=4th |location=London |publisher=Hodder Education |isbn=978-0-340-80834-4 }}
			<!-- Trudgill & Hannah 2008
			-->* {{cite book |last1=Trudgill |first1=Peter |first2=Jean |last2=Hannah |date=2008 |title=International English: A Guide to the Varieties of Standard English |edition=5th |location=London |publisher=Arnold |isbn=978-0-340-97161-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=e8u8MR8MNaEC |access-date=26 March 2015 |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200442/https://books.google.com/books?id=e8u8MR8MNaEC |url-status=live }}
			<!-- United Nations2008
			-->* {{cite web |author=United Nations |title=Everything You Always Wanted to Know About the United Nations |date=2010 |url=https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/705254/files/everything_un.pdf?ln=en |access-date=10 December 2022 |quote=The working languages at the UN Secretariat are English and French. |archive-date=17 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230317200412/https://tind-customer-undl.s3.amazonaws.com/46855284-e7b4-4ef3-ad95-8b8252fc27bd?response-content-disposition=attachment%3B%20filename%2A%3DUTF-8%27%27everything_un.pdf&response-content-type=application%2Fpdf&X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Expires=86400&X-Amz-Credential=AKIAXL7W7Q3XFWDGQKBB%2F20230317%2Feu-west-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Date=20230317T200411Z&X-Amz-Signature=e9f0f4293b0666c9f09c2350fff35bc0126c052b25512f4fad2cfa5fe9cdf260 |url-status=live }}
			<!-- Wardhaugh2010
			-->* {{cite book |last=Wardhaugh |first=Ronald |title=An Introduction to Sociolinguistics |edition=Sixth |publisher=Wiley-Blackwell |date=2010 |isbn=978-1-4051-8668-1 |series=Blackwell textbooks in Linguistics; 4 }}
			<!-- Watts2011
			-->* {{cite book |last=Watts |first=Richard J. |title=Language Myths and the History of English |date=2011 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-532760-1 |doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195327601.001.0001 }}
			<!--Wells 1982
			-->* {{Accents of English}}
			<!-- Wojcik2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/05081-1 |chapter=Controlled Languages |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Wojcik |first1=R.H. |pages=139–142 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			<!-- Wolfram2006
			-->* {{cite book |doi=10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04256-5 |chapter=Variation and Language: Overview |title=Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics |date=2006 |last1=Wolfram |first1=W. |pages=333–341 |isbn=978-0-08-044854-1 }}
			{{refend}}
			== External links ==
			{{Library resources box |about=yes |by=no }}
			* . Sound files comparing how 110 words are pronounced in 50 English accents from around the world.
			*
			{{Description of English}}
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	{{Template group
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			{{Subject bar
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Latest revision as of 08:23, 16 January 2025

West Germanic language

English
Pronunciation	/ˈɪŋɡlɪʃ/
Native to	The English-speaking world, including the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Australia, Ireland, New Zealand and others
Speakers	L1: 380 million (2021) L2: 1.077 billion (2021) Total: 1.457 billion
Language family	Indo-European Germanic West Germanic North Sea Germanic Anglo-Frisian Anglic English
Early forms	Proto-Indo-European Proto-Germanic Old English Middle English Early Modern English
Writing system	Latin (English alphabet) Anglo-Saxon runes (historical) English Braille, Unified English Braille
Signed forms	Manually coded English (multiple systems)
Official status
Official language in	57 countries Antigua and Barbuda Australia The Bahamas Barbados Belize Botswana Burundi Cameroon Canada Dominica Eswatini Fiji The Gambia Ghana Grenada Guyana India Ireland Jamaica Kenya Kiribati Lesotho Liberia Malawi Malta Marshall Islands Micronesia Namibia Nauru New Zealand Nigeria Pakistan Palau Papua New Guinea Philippines Rwanda Saint Kitts and Nevis Saint Lucia Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Samoa Seychelles Sierra Leone Singapore Solomon Islands South Africa South Sudan Sudan Tanzania Tonga Trinidad and Tobago Tuvalu Uganda United Kingdom United States Vanuatu Zambia Zimbabwe 31 non-sovereign entities Akrotiri and Dhekelia American Samoa Anguilla Barbuda Bermuda British Indian Ocean Territory British Virgin Islands Cayman Islands Christmas Island Cocos (Keeling) Islands Cook Islands Curaçao Falkland Islands Gibraltar Guam Guernsey Hong Kong Isle of Man Jersey Montserrat Niue Norfolk Island Northern Mariana Islands Pitcairn Islands Puerto Rico Rotuma Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha Sint Maarten South Georgia Tokelau Turks and Caicos Islands United States Virgin Islands Working language Bangladesh Bhutan Brunei Israel Malaysia Mauritius Qatar Sri Lanka Timor-Leste United Arab Emirates Various organisations United Nations European Union Commonwealth of Nations Council of Europe ICC IMF IOC ISO NATO WTO USMCA OAS OECD OIC OPEC GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development PIF UKUSA Agreement ASEAN ASEAN Economic Community SAARC Caribbean Community Organization of Turkic States Türksoy ECO
Language codes
ISO 639-1	en
ISO 639-2	eng
ISO 639-3	eng
Glottolog	stan1293
Linguasphere	52-ABA
Countries and territories where English is the native language of the majority   Countries and territories where English is an official or administrative language but not a majority native language
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English is a West Germanic language in the Indo-European language family, whose speakers, called Anglophones, originated in early medieval England on the island of Great Britain. The namesake of the language is the Angles, one of the ancient Germanic peoples that migrated to Britain. It is the most spoken language in the world, primarily due to the global influences of the former British Empire (succeeded by the Commonwealth of Nations) and the United States. English is the third-most spoken native language, after Mandarin Chinese and Spanish; it is also the most widely learned second language in the world, with more second-language speakers than native speakers.

English is either the official language or one of the official languages in 59 sovereign states (such as India, Ireland, and Canada). In some other countries, it is the sole or dominant language for historical reasons without being explicitly defined by law (such as in the United States and United Kingdom). It is a co-official language of the United Nations, the European Union, and many other international and regional organisations. It has also become the de facto lingua franca of diplomacy, science, technology, international trade, logistics, tourism, aviation, entertainment, and the Internet. English accounts for at least 70% of total speakers of the Germanic language branch, and as of 2021, Ethnologue estimated that there were over 1.5 billion speakers worldwide.

Old English emerged from a group of West Germanic dialects spoken by the Anglo-Saxons. Late Old English borrowed some grammar and core vocabulary from Old Norse, a North Germanic language. Then, Middle English borrowed vocabulary extensively from French dialects, which are the source of approximately 28% of Modern English words, and from Latin, which is the source of an additional 28%. As such, though most of its total vocabulary comes from Romance languages, Modern English's grammar, phonology, and most commonly used words in everyday use keep it genealogically classified under the Germanic branch. It exists on a dialect continuum with Scots and is then most closely related to the Low Saxon and Frisian languages.

Classification

English is an Indo-European language and belongs to the West Germanic group of the Germanic languages. Old English originated from a Germanic tribal and linguistic continuum along the Frisian North Sea coast, whose languages gradually evolved into the Anglic languages in the British Isles, and into the Frisian languages and Low German/Low Saxon on the continent. The Frisian languages, which together with the Anglic languages form the Anglo-Frisian languages, are the closest living relatives of English. Low German/Low Saxon is also closely related, and sometimes English, the Frisian languages, and Low German are grouped together as the North Sea Germanic languages, though this grouping remains debated. Old English evolved into Middle English, which in turn evolved into Modern English. Particular dialects of Old and Middle English also developed into a number of other Anglic languages, including Scots and the extinct Fingallian and Yola dialects of Ireland.

Like Icelandic and Faroese, the development of English in the British Isles isolated it from the continental Germanic languages and influences, and it has since diverged considerably. English is not mutually intelligible with any continental Germanic language, as it differs in vocabulary, syntax, and phonology. However, some of these, such as Dutch or Frisian, do show strong affinities with English, especially with its earlier stages.

Unlike Icelandic and Faroese, which were isolated, the development of English was influenced by a long series of invasions of the British Isles by other peoples and languages, particularly Old Norse and French dialects. These left a profound mark of their own on the language, so that English shows some similarities in vocabulary and grammar with many languages outside its linguistic clades—but it is not mutually intelligible with any of those languages either. Some scholars have argued that English can be considered a mixed language or a creole—a theory called the Middle English creole hypothesis. Although the great influence of these languages on the vocabulary and grammar of Modern English is widely acknowledged, most specialists in language contact do not consider English to be a true mixed language.

English is classified as a Germanic language because it shares innovations with other Germanic languages including Dutch, German, and Swedish. These shared innovations show that the languages have descended from a single common ancestor called Proto-Germanic. Some shared features of Germanic languages include the division of verbs into strong and weak classes, the use of modal verbs, and the sound changes affecting Proto-Indo-European consonants, known as Grimm's and Verner's laws. English is classified as an Anglo-Frisian language because Frisian and English share other features, such as the palatalisation of consonants that were velar consonants in Proto-Germanic (see Phonological history of Old English § Palatalization).

History

Main article: History of English

Overview of history

The earliest varieties of an English language, collectively known as Old English or "Anglo-Saxon", evolved from a group of North Sea Germanic dialects brought to Britain in the 5th century. Old English dialects were later influenced by Old Norse-speaking Viking invaders and settlers, starting in the 8th and 9th centuries. Middle English began in the late 11th century after the Norman Conquest of England, when a considerable amount of Old French vocabulary was incorporated into English over some three centuries.

Early Modern English began in the late 15th century with the start of the Great Vowel Shift and the Renaissance trend of borrowing further Latin and Greek words and roots, concurrent with the introduction of the printing press to London. This era notably culminated in the King James Bible and the works of William Shakespeare. The printing press greatly standardised English spelling, which has remained largely unchanged since then, despite a wide variety of later sound shifts in English dialects.

Modern English has spread around the world since the 17th century as a consequence of the worldwide influence of the British Empire and the United States. Through all types of printed and electronic media in these countries, English has become the leading language of international discourse and the lingua franca in many regions and professional contexts such as science, navigation, and law. Its modern grammar is the result of a gradual change from a dependent-marking pattern typical of Indo-European with a rich inflectional morphology and relatively free word order to a mostly analytic pattern with little inflection and a fairly fixed subject–verb–object word order. Modern English relies more on auxiliary verbs and word order for the expression of complex tenses, aspects and moods, as well as passive constructions, interrogatives, and some negation.

Proto-Germanic to Old English

Main article: Old English

The earliest form of English is called Old English or Anglo-Saxon (c. 450–1150). Old English developed from a set of West Germanic dialects, often grouped as Anglo-Frisian or North Sea Germanic, and originally spoken along the coasts of Frisia, Lower Saxony and southern Jutland by Germanic peoples known to the historical record as the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes. From the 5th century, the Anglo-Saxons settled Britain as the Roman economy and administration collapsed. By the 7th century, this Germanic language of the Anglo-Saxons became dominant in Britain, replacing the languages of Roman Britain (43–409): Common Brittonic, a Celtic language, and British Latin, brought to Britain by the Roman occupation. At this time, these dialects generally resisted influence from the then-local Brittonic and Latin languages. England and English (originally Ænglaland and Ænglisc) are both named after the Angles. English may have a small amount of substrate influence from Common Brittonic, and a number of possible Brittonicisms in English have been proposed, but whether most of these supposed Brittonicisms are actually a direct result of Brittonic substrate influence is disputed.

Old English was divided into four dialects: the Anglian dialects (Mercian and Northumbrian) and the Saxon dialects (Kentish and West Saxon). Through the educational reforms of King Alfred in the 9th century and the influence of the kingdom of Wessex, the West Saxon dialect became the standard written variety. The epic poem Beowulf is written in West Saxon, and the earliest English poem, Cædmon's Hymn, is written in Northumbrian. Modern English developed mainly from Mercian, but the Scots language developed from Northumbrian. A few short inscriptions from the early period of Old English were written using a runic script. By the 6th century, a Latin alphabet was adopted, written with half-uncial letterforms. It included the runic letters wynn ⟨ƿ⟩ and thorn ⟨þ⟩, and the modified Latin letters eth ⟨ð⟩, and ash ⟨æ⟩.

Old English is essentially a distinct language from Modern English and is virtually impossible for 21st-century unstudied English-speakers to understand. Its grammar was similar to that of modern German: nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs had many more inflectional endings and forms, and word order was much freer than in Modern English. Modern English has case forms in pronouns (he, him, his) and has a few verb inflections (speak, speaks, speaking, spoke, spoken), but Old English had case endings in nouns as well, and verbs had more person and number endings. Its closest relative is Old Frisian, but even some centuries after the Anglo-Saxon migration, Old English retained considerable mutual intelligibility with other Germanic varieties. Even in the 9th and 10th centuries, amidst the Danelaw and other Viking invasions, there is historical evidence that Old Norse and Old English retained considerable mutual intelligibility, although probably the northern dialects of Old English were more similar to Old Norse than the southern dialects. Theoretically, as late as the 900s AD, a commoner from certain (northern) parts of England could hold a conversation with a commoner from certain parts of Scandinavia. Research continues into the details of the myriad tribes in peoples in England and Scandinavia and the mutual contacts between them.

The translation of Matthew 8:20 from 1000 shows examples of case endings (nominative plural, accusative plural, genitive singular) and a verb ending (present plural):

• Foxas habbað holu and heofonan fuglas nest
• Fox-as habb-að hol-u and heofon-an fugl-as nest-∅
• fox-NOM.PL have-PRS.PL hole-ACC.PL and heaven-GEN.SG bird-NOM.PL nest-ACC.PL
• "Foxes have holes and the birds of heaven nests"

Influence of Old Norse

From the 8th to the 11th centuries, Old English gradually transformed through language contact with Old Norse in some regions. The waves of Norse (Viking) colonisation of northern parts of the British Isles in the 8th and 9th centuries put Old English into intense contact with Old Norse, a North Germanic language. Norse influence was strongest in the north-eastern varieties of Old English spoken in the Danelaw area around York, which was the centre of Norse colonisation; today these features are still particularly present in Scots and Northern English. The centre of Norsified English was in the Midlands around Lindsey. After 920 CE, when Lindsey was incorporated into the Anglo-Saxon polity, English spread extensively throughout the region.

An element of Norse influence that continues in all English varieties today is the third person pronoun group beginning with th- (they, them, their) which replaced the Anglo-Saxon pronouns with h- (hie, him, hera). Other core Norse loanwords include "give", "get", "sky", "skirt", "egg", and "cake", typically displacing a native Anglo-Saxon equivalent. Old Norse in this era retained considerable mutual intelligibility with some dialects of Old English, particularly northern ones.

Middle English

Main articles: Middle English and Influence of French on English

Englischmen þeyz hy hadde fram þe bygynnyng þre manner speche, Souþeron, Northeron, and Myddel speche in þe myddel of þe lond, ... Noþeles by comyxstion and mellyng, furst wiþ Danes, and afterward wiþ Normans, in menye þe contray longage ys asperyed, and som vseþ strange wlaffyng, chyteryng, harryng, and garryng grisbytting.

Although, from the beginning, Englishmen had three manners of speaking, southern, northern and midlands speech in the middle of the country, ... Nevertheless, through intermingling and mixing, first with Danes and then with Normans, amongst many the country language has arisen, and some use strange stammering, chattering, snarling, and grating gnashing.

John Trevisa, c. 1385

Middle English is often arbitrarily defined as beginning with the conquest of England by William the Conqueror in 1066, but it developed further in the period from 1150 to 1500.

With the Norman conquest of England in 1066, the now-Norsified Old English language was subject to another wave of intense contact, this time with Old French, in particular Old Norman French, influencing it as a superstrate. The Norman French spoken by the elite in England eventually developed into the Anglo-Norman language. Because Norman was spoken primarily by the elites and nobles, while the lower classes continued speaking English, the main influence of Norman was the introduction of a wide range of loanwords related to politics, legislation and prestigious social domains. Middle English also greatly simplified the inflectional system, probably in order to reconcile Old Norse and Old English, which were inflectionally different but morphologically similar. The distinction between nominative and accusative cases was lost except in personal pronouns, the instrumental case was dropped, and the use of the genitive case was limited to indicating possession. The inflectional system regularised many irregular inflectional forms, and gradually simplified the system of agreement, making word order less flexible.

The transition from Old to Middle English can be placed during the writing of the Ormulum. The oldest Middle English texts that were written by the Augustinian canon Orrm, which highlights the blending of both Old English and Anglo-Norman elements in English for the first time.

In Wycliff'e Bible of the 1380s, the verse Matthew 8:20 was written: Foxis han dennes, and briddis of heuene han nestis. Here the plural suffix -n on the verb have is still retained, but none of the case endings on the nouns are present. By the 12th century Middle English was fully developed, integrating both Norse and French features; it continued to be spoken until the transition to early Modern English around 1500. Middle English literature includes Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales, and Thomas Malory's Le Morte d'Arthur. In the Middle English period, the use of regional dialects in writing proliferated, and dialect traits were even used for effect by authors such as Chaucer.

Early Modern English

Main article: Early Modern English

The next period in the history of English was Early Modern English (1500–1700). Early Modern English was characterised by the Great Vowel Shift (1350–1700), inflectional simplification, and linguistic standardisation.

The Great Vowel Shift affected the stressed long vowels of Middle English. It was a chain shift, meaning that each shift triggered a subsequent shift in the vowel system. Mid and open vowels were raised, and close vowels were broken into diphthongs. For example, the word bite was originally pronounced as the word beet is today, and the second vowel in the word about was pronounced as the word boot is today. The Great Vowel Shift explains many irregularities in spelling since English retains many spellings from Middle English, and it also explains why English vowel letters have very different pronunciations from the same letters in other languages.

English began to rise in prestige, relative to Norman French, during the reign of Henry V. Around 1430, the Court of Chancery in Westminster began using English in its official documents, and a new standard form of Middle English, known as Chancery Standard, developed from the dialects of London and the East Midlands. In 1476, William Caxton introduced the printing press to England and began publishing the first printed books in London, expanding the influence of this form of English. Literature from the Early Modern period includes the works of William Shakespeare and the translation of the Bible commissioned by King James I. Even after the vowel shift the language still sounded different from Modern English: for example, the consonant clusters /kn ɡn sw/ in knight, gnat, and sword were still pronounced. Many of the grammatical features that a modern reader of Shakespeare might find quaint or archaic represent the distinct characteristics of Early Modern English.

In the 1611 King James Version of the Bible, written in Early Modern English, Matthew 8:20 says, "The Foxes haue holes and the birds of the ayre haue nests." This exemplifies the loss of case and its effects on sentence structure (replacement with subject–verb–object word order, and the use of of instead of the non-possessive genitive), and the introduction of loanwords from French (ayre) and word replacements (bird originally meaning "nestling" had replaced OE fugol).

Spread of Modern English

By the late 18th century, the British Empire had spread English through its colonies and geopolitical dominance. Commerce, science and technology, diplomacy, art, and formal education all contributed to English becoming the first truly global language. English also facilitated worldwide international communication. English was adopted in parts of North America, parts of Africa, Oceania, and many other regions. When they obtained political independence, some of the newly independent states that had multiple indigenous languages opted to continue using English as the official language to avoid the political and other difficulties inherent in promoting any one indigenous language above the others. In the 20th century the growing economic and cultural influence of the United States and its status as a superpower following the Second World War has, along with worldwide broadcasting in English by the BBC and other broadcasters, caused the language to spread across the planet much faster. In the 21st century, English is more widely spoken and written than any language has ever been.

As Modern English developed, explicit norms for standard usage were published, and spread through official media such as public education and state-sponsored publications. In 1755, Samuel Johnson published his A Dictionary of the English Language, which introduced standard spellings of words and usage norms. In 1828, Noah Webster published the American Dictionary of the English language to try to establish a norm for speaking and writing American English that was independent of the British standard. Within Britain, non-standard or lower class dialect features were increasingly stigmatised, leading to the quick spread of the prestige varieties among the middle classes.

In modern English, the loss of grammatical case is almost complete (it is now only found in pronouns, such as he and him, she and her, who and whom), and SVO word order is mostly fixed. Some changes, such as the use of do-support, have become universalised. (Earlier English did not use the word "do" as a general auxiliary as Modern English does; at first it was only used in question constructions, and even then was not obligatory. Now, do-support with the verb have is becoming increasingly standardised.) The use of progressive forms in -ing, appears to be spreading to new constructions, and forms such as had been being built are becoming more common. Regularisation of irregular forms also slowly continues (e.g. dreamed instead of dreamt), and analytical alternatives to inflectional forms are becoming more common (e.g. more polite instead of politer). British English is also undergoing change under the influence of American English, fuelled by the strong presence of American English in the media and the prestige associated with the United States as a world power.

Geographical distribution

See also: List of countries and territories where English is an official language, List of countries by English-speaking population, and English-speaking world

As of 2016, 400 million people spoke English as their first language, and 1.1 billion spoke it as a secondary language. English is the largest language by number of speakers. English is spoken by communities on every continent and on islands in all the major oceans.

The countries where English is spoken can be grouped into different categories according to how English is used in each country. The "inner circle" countries with many native speakers of English share an international standard of written English and jointly influence speech norms for English around the world. English does not belong to just one country, and it does not belong solely to descendants of English settlers. English is an official language of countries populated by few descendants of native speakers of English. It has also become by far the most important language of international communication when people who share no native language meet anywhere in the world.

Three circles of English-speaking countries

The Indian linguist Braj Kachru distinguished countries where English is spoken with a three circles model. In his model,

• the "inner circle" countries have large communities of native speakers of English,
• "outer circle" countries have small communities of native speakers of English but widespread use of English as a second language in education or broadcasting or for local official purposes, and
• "expanding circle" countries are countries where many people learn English as a foreign language.

Kachru based his model on the history of how English spread in different countries, how users acquire English, and the range of uses English has in each country. The three circles change membership over time.

Countries with large communities of native speakers of English (the inner circle) include Britain, the United States, Australia, Canada, Ireland, and New Zealand, where the majority speaks English, and South Africa, where a significant minority speaks English. The countries with the most native English speakers are, in descending order, the United States (at least 231 million), the United Kingdom (60 million), Canada (19 million), Australia (at least 17 million), South Africa (4.8 million), Ireland (4.2 million), and New Zealand (3.7 million). In these countries, children of native speakers learn English from their parents, and local people who speak other languages and new immigrants learn English to communicate in their neighbourhoods and workplaces. The inner-circle countries provide the base from which English spreads to other countries in the world.

Estimates of the numbers of second language and foreign-language English speakers vary greatly from 470 million to more than 1 billion, depending on how proficiency is defined. Linguist David Crystal estimates that non-native speakers now outnumber native speakers by a ratio of 3 to 1. In Kachru's three-circles model, the "outer circle" countries are countries such as the Philippines, Jamaica, India, Pakistan, Singapore, Malaysia and Nigeria with a much smaller proportion of native speakers of English but much use of English as a second language for education, government, or domestic business, and its routine use for school instruction and official interactions with the government.

Those countries have millions of native speakers of dialect continua ranging from an English-based creole to a more standard version of English. They have many more speakers of English who acquire English as they grow up through day-to-day use and listening to broadcasting, especially if they attend schools where English is the medium of instruction. Varieties of English learned by non-native speakers born to English-speaking parents may be influenced, especially in their grammar, by the other languages spoken by those learners. Most of those varieties of English include words little used by native speakers of English in the inner-circle countries, and they may show grammatical and phonological differences from inner-circle varieties as well. The standard English of the inner-circle countries is often taken as a norm for use of English in the outer-circle countries.

In the three-circles model, countries such as Poland, China, Brazil, Germany, Japan, Indonesia, Egypt, and other countries where English is taught as a foreign language, make up the "expanding circle". The distinctions between English as a first language, as a second language, and as a foreign language are often debatable and may change in particular countries over time. For example, in the Netherlands and some other countries of Europe, knowledge of English as a second language is nearly universal, with over 80 percent of the population able to use it, and thus English is routinely used to communicate with foreigners and often in higher education. In these countries, although English is not used for government business, its widespread use puts them at the boundary between the "outer circle" and "expanding circle". English is unusual among world languages in how many of its users are not native speakers but speakers of English as a second or foreign language.

Many users of English in the expanding circle use it to communicate with other people from the expanding circle, so that interaction with native speakers of English plays no part in their decision to use the language. Non-native varieties of English are widely used for international communication, and speakers of one such variety often encounter features of other varieties. Very often today a conversation in English anywhere in the world may include no native speakers of English at all, even while including speakers from several different countries. This is particularly true of the shared vocabulary of mathematics and the sciences.

Pluricentric English

English is a pluricentric language, which means that no one national authority sets the standard for use of the language. Spoken English, including English used in broadcasting, generally follows national pronunciation standards that are established by custom rather than by regulation. International broadcasters are usually identifiable as coming from one country rather than another through their accents, but newsreader scripts are also composed largely in international standard written English. The norms of standard written English are maintained purely by the consensus of educated English speakers around the world, without any oversight by any government or international organisation.

American listeners readily understand most British broadcasting, and British listeners readily understand most American broadcasting. Most English speakers around the world can understand radio programmes, television programmes, and films from many parts of the English-speaking world. Both standard and non-standard varieties of English can include both formal or informal styles, distinguished by word choice and syntax and use both technical and non-technical registers.

The settlement history of the English-speaking inner circle countries outside Britain helped level dialect distinctions and produce koineised forms of English in South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. The majority of immigrants to the United States without British ancestry rapidly adopted English after arrival. Now the majority of the United States population are monolingual English speakers.

• Australia has no official languages at the federal or state level.
• In Canada, English and French share an official status at the federal level. English has official or co-official status in six provinces and three territories, while three provinces have none and Quebec's only official language is French.
• English is the official second language of Ireland, while Irish is the first.
• While New Zealand is majority English-speaking, its two official languages are Māori and New Zealand Sign Language.
• The United Kingdom does not have an official language. In Wales and Northern Ireland, English is co-official alongside Welsh and Irish respectively. Neither Scotland nor England have an official language.
• In the United States, there is no official language at the federal level. English has official or co-official status in 32 states, as well as all five territories. Eighteen states and the District of Columbia have no official language.

English as a global language

Main article: English as a lingua franca See also: Foreign-language influences in English and Study of global communication

English has ceased to be an "English language" in the sense of belonging only to people who are ethnically English. Use of English is growing country-by-country internally and for international communication. Most people learn English for practical rather than ideological reasons. Many speakers of English in Africa have become part of an "Afro-Saxon" language community that unites Africans from different countries.

As decolonisation proceeded throughout the British Empire in the 1950s and 1960s, former colonies often did not reject English but rather continued to use it as independent countries setting their own language policies. For example, the view of the English language among many Indians has gone from associating it with colonialism to associating it with economic progress, and English continues to be an official language of India. English is also widely used in media and literature, and the number of English language books published annually in India is the third largest in the world after the US and UK. However, English is rarely spoken as a first language, numbering only around a couple hundred-thousand people, and less than 5% of the population speak fluent English in India. David Crystal claimed in 2004 that, combining native and non-native speakers, India now has more people who speak or understand English than any other country in the world, but the number of English speakers in India is uncertain, with most scholars concluding that the United States still has more speakers of English than India.

Modern English, sometimes described as the first global lingua franca, is also regarded as the first world language. English is the world's most widely used language in newspaper publishing, book publishing, international telecommunications, scientific publishing, international trade, mass entertainment, and diplomacy. English is, by international treaty, the basis for the required controlled natural languages Seaspeak and Airspeak, used as international languages of seafaring and aviation. English used to have parity with French and German in scientific research, but now it dominates that field. It achieved parity with French as a language of diplomacy at the Treaty of Versailles negotiations in 1919. By the time of the foundation of the United Nations at the end of World War II, English had become pre-eminent and is now the main worldwide language of diplomacy and international relations. It is one of six official languages of the United Nations. Many other worldwide international organisations, including the International Olympic Committee, specify English as a working language or official language of the organisation.

Many regional international organisations such as the European Free Trade Association, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) set English as their organisation's sole working language even though most members are not countries with a majority of native English speakers. While the European Union (EU) allows member states to designate any of the national languages as an official language of the Union, in practice English is the main working language of EU organisations.

Although in most countries English is not an official language, it is currently the language most often taught as a foreign language. In the countries of the EU, English is the most widely spoken foreign language in nineteen of the twenty-five member states where it is not an official language (that is, the countries other than Ireland and Malta). In a 2012 official Eurobarometer poll (conducted when the UK was still a member of the EU), 38 percent of the EU respondents outside the countries where English is an official language said they could speak English well enough to have a conversation in that language. The next most commonly mentioned foreign language, French (which is the most widely known foreign language in the UK and Ireland), could be used in conversation by 12 percent of respondents.

A working knowledge of English has become a requirement in a number of occupations and professions such as medicine and computing. English has become so important in scientific publishing that more than 80 percent of all scientific journal articles indexed by Chemical Abstracts in 1998 were written in English, as were 90 percent of all articles in natural science publications by 1996 and 82 percent of articles in humanities publications by 1995.

International communities such as international business people may use English as an auxiliary language, with an emphasis on vocabulary suitable for their domain of interest. This has led some scholars to develop the study of English as an auxiliary language. The trademarked Globish uses a relatively small subset of English vocabulary (about 1500 words, designed to represent the highest use in international business English) in combination with the standard English grammar. Other examples include Simple English.

The increased use of the English language globally has had an effect on other languages, leading to some English words being assimilated into the vocabularies of other languages. This influence of English has led to concerns about language death, and to claims of linguistic imperialism, and has provoked resistance to the spread of English; however the number of speakers continues to increase because many people around the world think that English provides them with opportunities for better employment and improved lives.

Though some mention a possibility of divergence of English dialects into mutually unintelligible languages, most think a more likely outcome is that English will continue to function as a koineised language, in which the standard form unifies speakers from around the world. English is used as the language for wider communication in countries around the world. Thus English has grown in worldwide use much more than any constructed language proposed as an international auxiliary language, including Esperanto.

Phonology

Main article: English phonology

The phonetics and phonology of the English language differ from one dialect to another, usually without interfering with mutual communication. Phonological variation affects the inventory of phonemes (i.e. speech sounds that distinguish meaning), and phonetic variation consists in differences in pronunciation of the phonemes. This overview mainly describes the standard pronunciations of the United Kingdom and the United States: Received Pronunciation (RP) and General American (GA). (See § Dialects, accents and varieties, below.)

The phonetic symbols used below are from the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).

Consonants

Main article: English phonology § Consonants

Most English dialects share the same 24 (or 26 if marginal /x/ and glottal stop (/ʔ/) included) consonant phonemes. The consonant inventory shown below is valid for California English, and for RP.

Consonant phonemes

		Bilabial		Labiodental		Dental		Alveolar		Post- alveolar		Palatal		Velar		Glottal
Nasal			m						n						ŋ*
Plosive		p	b					t	d					k	ɡ	(ʔ)
Affricate										tʃ	dʒ
Fricative				f	v	θ	ð	s	z	ʃ	ʒ			(x)		h
Approximant	Central										ɹ**		j		w
	Lateral								l

* The sound /ŋ/ can only occur as a coda.

** Conventionally transcribed /r/

In the table, when obstruents (stops, affricates, and fricatives) appear in pairs, such as /p b/, /tʃ dʒ/, and /s z/, the first is fortis (strong) and the second is lenis (weak). Fortis obstruents, such as /p tʃ s/ are pronounced with more muscular tension and breath force than lenis consonants, such as /b dʒ z/, and are always voiceless. Lenis consonants are partly voiced at the beginning and end of utterances, and fully voiced between vowels. Fortis stops such as /p/ have additional articulatory or acoustic features in most dialects: they are aspirated when they occur alone at the beginning of a stressed syllable, often unaspirated in other cases, and often unreleased or pre-glottalised at the end of a syllable. In a single-syllable word, a vowel before a fortis stop is shortened: thus nip has a noticeably shorter vowel (phonetically, but not phonemically) than nib (see below).

• lenis stops: bin , about , nib
• fortis stops: pin ; spin ; happy ; nip or

In RP, the lateral approximant /l/, has two main allophones (pronunciation variants): the clear or plain , as in light, and the dark or velarised , as in full. GA has dark l in most cases.

• clear l: RP light
• dark l: RP and GA full , GA light

All sonorants (liquids /l, r/ and nasals /m, n, ŋ/) devoice when following a voiceless obstruent, and they are syllabic when following a consonant at the end of a word.

• voiceless sonorants: clay ; snow RP , GA
• syllabic sonorants: paddle , button

Vowels

Main article: English phonology § Vowels

Closing diphthongs

RP	GA	Word
eɪ		bay
əʊ	oʊ	road
aɪ		cry
aʊ		cow
ɔɪ		boy

Centring diphthongs

RP	GA	Word
ɪə	ɪɹ	peer
eə	ɛɹ	pair
ʊə	ʊɹ	poor

Monophthongs

RP	GA	Word
iː	i	need
ɪ		bid
e	ɛ	bed
æ		back
ɑː	ɑ	bra
ɒ		box
	ɔ, ɑ	cloth
ɔː		paw
uː	u	food
ʊ		good
ʌ		but
ɜː	ɜɹ	bird
ə		comma

The pronunciation of vowels varies a great deal between dialects and is one of the most detectable aspects of a speaker's accent. The table below lists the vowel phonemes in Received Pronunciation (RP) and General American (GA), with examples of words in which they occur from lexical sets compiled by linguists. The vowels are represented with symbols from the International Phonetic Alphabet; those given for RP are standard in British dictionaries and other publications.

In RP, vowel length is phonemic; long vowels are marked with a triangular colon ⟨ː⟩ in the table above, such as the vowel of need as opposed to bid . In GA, vowel length is non-distinctive.

In both RP and GA, vowels are phonetically shortened before fortis consonants in the same syllable, like /t tʃ f/, but not before lenis consonants like /d dʒ v/ or in open syllables: thus, the vowels of rich , neat , and safe are noticeably shorter than the vowels of ridge , need , and save , and the vowel of light is shorter than that of lie . Because lenis consonants are frequently voiceless at the end of a syllable, vowel length is an important cue as to whether the following consonant is lenis or fortis.

The vowel /ə/ only occurs in unstressed syllables and is more open in quality in stem-final positions. Some dialects do not contrast /ɪ/ and /ə/ in unstressed positions, such that rabbit and abbot rhyme and Lenin and Lennon are homophonous, a dialectal feature called the weak vowel merger. GA /ɜr/ and /ər/ are realised as an r-coloured vowel , as in further (phonemically /ˈfɜrðər/), which in RP is realised as (phonemically /ˈfɜːðə/).

Phonotactics

An English syllable includes a syllable nucleus consisting of a vowel sound. Syllable onset and coda (start and end) are optional. A syllable can start with up to three consonant sounds, as in sprint /sprɪnt/, and end with up to five, as in (for some dialects) angsts /aŋksts/. This gives an English syllable the following structure, (CCC)V(CCCCC), where C represents a consonant and V a vowel; the word strengths /strɛŋkθs/ is thus close to the most complex syllable possible in English. The consonants that may appear together in onsets or codas are restricted, as is the order in which they may appear. Onsets can only have four types of consonant clusters: a stop and approximant, as in play; a voiceless fricative and approximant, as in fly or sly; s and a voiceless stop, as in stay; and s, a voiceless stop, and an approximant, as in string. Clusters of nasal and stop are only allowed in codas. Clusters of obstruents always agree in voicing, and clusters of sibilants and of plosives with the same point of articulation are prohibited. Several consonants have limited distributions: /h/ can only occur in syllable-initial position, and /ŋ/ only in syllable-final position.

Stress, rhythm and intonation

See also: Stress and vowel reduction in English, Intonation (linguistics) § English, and English Prosody

Stress plays an important role in English. Certain syllables are stressed, while others are unstressed. Stress is a combination of duration, intensity, vowel quality, and sometimes changes in pitch. Stressed syllables are pronounced longer and louder than unstressed syllables, and vowels in unstressed syllables are frequently reduced while vowels in stressed syllables are not. Some words, primarily short function words but also some modal verbs such as can, have weak and strong forms depending on whether they occur in stressed or non-stressed position within a sentence.

Stress in English is phonemic, and some pairs of words are distinguished by stress. For instance, the word contract is stressed on the first syllable (/ˈkɒntrækt/ KON-trakt) when used as a noun, but on the last syllable (/kənˈtrækt/ kən-TRAKT) for most meanings (for example, "reduce in size") when used as a verb. Here stress is connected to vowel reduction: in the noun "contract" the first syllable is stressed and has the unreduced vowel /ɒ/, but in the verb "contract" the first syllable is unstressed and its vowel is reduced to /ə/. Stress is also used to distinguish between words and phrases, so that a compound word receives a single stress unit, but the corresponding phrase has two: e.g. a burnout (/ˈbɜːrnaʊt/) versus to burn out (/ˈbɜːrn ˈaʊt/), and a hotdog (/ˈhɒtdɒɡ/) versus a hot dog (/ˈhɒt ˈdɒɡ/).

In terms of rhythm, English is generally described as a stress-timed language, meaning that the amount of time between stressed syllables tends to be equal. Stressed syllables are pronounced longer, but unstressed syllables (syllables between stresses) are shortened. Vowels in unstressed syllables are shortened as well, and vowel shortening causes changes in vowel quality: vowel reduction.

Regional variation

Varieties of Standard English and their features

Phonological features	United States	Canada	Republic of Ireland	Northern Ireland	Scotland	England	Wales	South Africa	Australia	New Zealand
father–bother merger	yes	yes
/ɒ/ is unrounded	yes	yes	yes
/ɜːr/ is pronounced	yes	yes	yes	yes
cot–caught merger	possibly	yes	possibly	yes	yes
fool–full merger				yes	yes
/t, d/ flapping	yes	yes	possibly	often	rarely	rarely	rarely	rarely	yes	often
trap–bath split			possibly	possibly		often	yes	yes	often	yes
non-rhotic (/r/-dropping after vowels)						yes	yes	yes	yes	yes
close vowels for /æ, ɛ/								yes	yes	yes
/l/ can always be pronounced	yes	yes		yes	yes				yes	yes
/ɑː/ is fronted before /r/		possibly	possibly						yes	yes

Dialects and low vowels

Lexical set	RP	GA	Can	Sound change
THOUGHT	/ɔː/	/ɔ/ or /ɑ/	/ɑ/	cot–caught merger
CLOTH	/ɒ/			lot–cloth split
LOT		/ɑ/		father–bother merger
PALM	/ɑː/
BATH		/æ/	/æ/	trap–bath split
TRAP	/æ/

Varieties of English vary the most in pronunciation of vowels. The best-known national varieties used as standards for education in non-English-speaking countries are British (BrE) and American (AmE). Countries such as Canada, Australia, Ireland, New Zealand and South Africa have their own standard varieties which are less often used as standards for education internationally. Some differences between the various dialects are shown in the table "Varieties of Standard English and their features".

English has undergone many historical sound changes, some of them affecting all varieties, and others affecting only a few. Most standard varieties are affected by the Great Vowel Shift, which changed the pronunciation of long vowels, but a few dialects have slightly different results. In North America, a number of chain shifts such as the Northern Cities Vowel Shift and Canadian Shift have produced very different vowel landscapes in some regional accents.

Some dialects have fewer or more consonant phonemes and phones than the standard varieties. Some conservative varieties like Scottish English have a voiceless [ʍ] sound in whine that contrasts with the voiced in wine, but most other dialects pronounce both words with voiced , a dialect feature called wine–whine merger. The voiceless velar fricative sound /x/ is found in Scottish English, which distinguishes loch /lɔx/ from lock /lɔk/. Accents like Cockney with "h-dropping" lack the glottal fricative /h/, and dialects with th-stopping and th-fronting like African-American Vernacular and Estuary English do not have the dental fricatives /θ, ð/, but replace them with dental or alveolar stops /t, d/ or labiodental fricatives /f, v/. Other changes affecting the phonology of local varieties are processes such as yod-dropping, yod-coalescence, and reduction of consonant clusters.

General American and Received Pronunciation vary in their pronunciation of historical /r/ after a vowel at the end of a syllable (in the syllable coda). GA is a rhotic dialect, meaning that it pronounces /r/ at the end of a syllable, but RP is non-rhotic, meaning that it loses /r/ in that position. English dialects are classified as rhotic or non-rhotic depending on whether they elide /r/ like RP or keep it like GA.

There is complex dialectal variation in words with the open front and open back vowels /æ ɑː ɒ ɔː/. These four vowels are only distinguished in RP, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. In GA, these vowels merge to three /æ ɑ ɔ/, and in Canadian English, they merge to two /æ ɑ/. In addition, the words that have each vowel vary by dialect. The table "Dialects and open vowels" shows this variation with lexical sets in which these sounds occur.

Grammar

Main article: English grammar

As is typical of an Indo-European language, English follows accusative morphosyntactic alignment. Unlike other Indo-European languages though, English has largely abandoned the inflectional case system in favour of analytic constructions. Only the personal pronouns retain morphological case more strongly than any other word class. English distinguishes at least seven major word classes: verbs, nouns, adjectives, adverbs, determiners (including articles), prepositions, and conjunctions. Some analyses add pronouns as a class separate from nouns, and subdivide conjunctions into subordinators and coordinators, and add the class of interjections. English also has a rich set of auxiliary verbs, such as have and do, expressing the categories of mood and aspect. Questions are marked by do-support, wh-movement (fronting of question words beginning with wh-) and word order inversion with some verbs.

Some traits typical of Germanic languages persist in English, such as the distinction between irregularly inflected strong stems inflected through ablaut (i.e. changing the vowel of the stem, as in the pairs speak/spoke and foot/feet) and weak stems inflected through affixation (such as love/loved, hand/hands). Vestiges of the case and gender system are found in the pronoun system (he/him, who/whom) and in the inflection of the copula verb to be.

The seven word-classes are exemplified in this sample sentence:

The

chairman

of

the

committee

and

the

loquacious

politician

clashed

violently

when

the

meeting

started.

Det.

Noun

Prep.

Det.

Noun

Conj.

Det.

Adj.

Noun

Verb

Advb.

Conj.

Det.

Noun

Verb

Nouns and noun phrases

Main article: English nouns

English nouns are only inflected for number and possession. New nouns can be formed through derivation or compounding. They are semantically divided into proper nouns (names) and common nouns. Common nouns are in turn divided into concrete and abstract nouns, and grammatically into count nouns and mass nouns.

Most count nouns are inflected for plural number through the use of the plural suffix -s, but a few nouns have irregular plural forms. Mass nouns can only be pluralised through the use of a count noun classifier, e.g. one loaf of bread, two loaves of bread.

Regular plural formation:

• Singular: cat, dog
• Plural: cats, dogs

Irregular plural formation:

• Singular: man, woman, foot, fish, ox, knife, mouse
• Plural: men, women, feet, fish, oxen, knives, mice

Possession can be expressed either by the possessive enclitic -s (also traditionally called a genitive suffix), or by the preposition of. Historically the -s possessive has been used for animate nouns, whereas the of possessive has been reserved for inanimate nouns. Today this distinction is less clear, and many speakers use -s also with inanimates. Orthographically the possessive -s is separated from a singular noun with an apostrophe. If the noun is plural formed with -s the apostrophe follows the -s.

Possessive constructions:

• With -s: The woman's husband's child
• With of: The child of the husband of the woman

Nouns can form noun phrases (NPs) where they are the syntactic head of the words that depend on them such as determiners, quantifiers, conjunctions or adjectives. Noun phrases can be short, such as the man, composed only of a determiner and a noun. They can also include modifiers such as adjectives (e.g. red, tall, all) and specifiers such as determiners (e.g. the, that). But they can also tie together several nouns into a single long NP, using conjunctions such as and, or prepositions such as with, e.g. the tall man with the long red trousers and his skinny wife with the spectacles (this NP uses conjunctions, prepositions, specifiers, and modifiers). Regardless of length, an NP functions as a syntactic unit. For example, the possessive enclitic can, in cases which do not lead to ambiguity, follow the entire noun phrase, as in The President of India's wife, where the enclitic follows India and not President.

The class of determiners is used to specify the noun they precede in terms of definiteness, where the marks a definite noun and a or an an indefinite one. A definite noun is assumed by the speaker to be already known by the interlocutor, whereas an indefinite noun is not specified as being previously known. Quantifiers, which include one, many, some and all, are used to specify the noun in terms of quantity or number. The noun must agree with the number of the determiner, e.g. one man (sg.) but all men (pl.). Determiners are the first constituents in a noun phrase.

Adjectives

Main article: English adjectives

English adjectives are words such as good, big, interesting, and Canadian that most typically modify nouns, denoting characteristics of their referents (e.g., a red car). As modifiers, they come before the nouns they modify and after determiners. English adjectives also function as predicative complements (e.g., the child is happy).

In Modern English, adjectives are not inflected so as to agree in form with the noun they modify, as adjectives in most other Indo-European languages do. For example, in the phrases the slender boy, and many slender girls, the adjective slender does not change form to agree with either the number or gender of the noun.

Some adjectives are inflected for degree of comparison, with the positive degree unmarked, the suffix -er marking the comparative, and -est marking the superlative: a small boy, the boy is smaller than the girl, that boy is the smallest. Some adjectives have irregular suppletive comparative and superlative forms, such as good, better, and best. Other adjectives have comparatives formed by periphrastic constructions, with the adverb more marking the comparative, and most marking the superlative: happier or more happy, the happiest or most happy. There is some variation among speakers regarding which adjectives use inflected or periphrastic comparison, and some studies have shown a tendency for the periphrastic forms to become more common at the expense of the inflected form.

Determiners

Main article: English determiners

English determiners are words such as the, each, many, some, and which, occurring most typically in noun phrases before the head nouns and any modifiers and marking the noun phrase as definite or indefinite. They often agree with the noun in number. They do not typically inflect for degree of comparison.

Pronouns, case, and person

Main article: English pronouns

English pronouns conserve many traits of case and gender inflection. The personal pronouns retain a difference between subjective and objective case in most persons (I/me, he/him, she/her, we/us, they/them) as well as an animateness distinction in the third person singular (distinguishing it from the three sets of animate third person singular pronouns) and an optional gender distinction in the animate third person singular (distinguishing between she/her , they/them , and he/him ). The subjective case corresponds to the Old English nominative case, and the objective case is used in the sense both of the previous accusative case (for a patient, or direct object of a transitive verb), and of the Old English dative case (for a recipient or indirect object of a transitive verb). The subjective is used when the pronoun is the subject of a finite clause, otherwise the objective is used. While grammarians such as Henry Sweet and Otto Jespersen noted that the English cases did not correspond to the traditional Latin-based system, some contemporary grammars, for example Huddleston & Pullum (2002), retain traditional labels for the cases, calling them nominative and accusative cases respectively.

Possessive pronouns exist in dependent and independent forms; the dependent form functions as a determiner specifying a noun (as in my chair), while the independent form can stand alone as if it were a noun (e.g. the chair is mine). The English system of grammatical person no longer has a distinction between formal and informal pronouns of address (the old second person singular familiar pronoun thou acquired a pejorative or inferior tinge of meaning and was abandoned).

Both the second and third persons share pronouns between the plural and singular:

• Plural and singular are always identical (you, your, yours) in the second person (except in the reflexive form: yourself/yourselves) in most dialects. Some dialects have introduced innovative second person plural pronouns, such as y'all (found in Southern American English and African-American (Vernacular) English), youse (found in Australian English), or ye (in Hiberno-English).
• In the third person, the they/them series of pronouns (they, them, their, theirs, themselves) are used in both plural and singular, and are the only pronouns available for the plural. In the singular, the they/them series (sometimes with the addition of the singular-specific reflexive form themself) serve as a gender-neutral set of pronouns. These pronouns are becoming more accepted, especially as part of the LGBTQ culture.

English personal pronouns

Person	Subjective case	Objective case	Dependent possessive	Independent possessive	Reflexive
1st, singular	I	me	my	mine	myself
2nd, singular	you	you	your	yours	yourself
3rd, singular	he/she/it/they	him/her/it/them	his/her/its/their	his/hers/its/theirs	himself/herself/itself/themself/themselves
1st, plural	we	us	our	ours	ourselves
2nd, plural	you	you	your	yours	yourselves
3rd, plural	they	them	their	theirs	themselves

Pronouns are used to refer to entities deictically or anaphorically. A deictic pronoun points to some person or object by identifying it relative to the speech situation—for example, the pronoun I identifies the speaker, and the pronoun you, the addressee. Anaphoric pronouns such as that refer back to an entity already mentioned or assumed by the speaker to be known by the audience, for example in the sentence I already told you that. The reflexive pronouns are used when the oblique argument is identical to the subject of a phrase (e.g. "he sent it to himself" or "she braced herself for impact").

Prepositions

Main article: English prepositions

Prepositional phrases (PP) are phrases composed of a preposition and one or more nouns, e.g. with the dog, for my friend, to school, in England. Prepositions have a wide range of uses in English. They are used to describe movement, place, and other relations between different entities, but they also have many syntactic uses such as introducing complement clauses and oblique arguments of verbs. For example, in the phrase I gave it to him, the preposition to marks the recipient, or Indirect Object of the verb to give. Traditionally words were only considered prepositions if they governed the case of the noun they preceded, for example causing the pronouns to use the objective rather than subjective form, "with her", "to me", "for us". But some contemporary grammars no longer consider government of case to be the defining feature of the class of prepositions, rather defining prepositions as words that can function as the heads of prepositional phrases.

Verbs and verb phrases

Main article: English verbs

English verbs are inflected for tense and aspect and marked for agreement with present-tense third-person singular subject. Only the copula verb to be is still inflected for agreement with the plural and first and second person subjects. Auxiliary verbs such as have and be are paired with verbs in the infinitive, past, or progressive forms. They form complex tenses, aspects, and moods. Auxiliary verbs differ from other verbs in that they can be followed by the negation, and in that they can occur as the first constituent in a question sentence.

Most verbs have six inflectional forms. The primary forms are a plain present, a third-person singular present, and a preterite (past) form. The secondary forms are a plain form used for the infinitive, a gerund-participle and a past participle. The copula verb to be is the only verb to retain some of its original conjugation, and takes different inflectional forms depending on the subject. The first-person present-tense form is am, the third person singular form is is, and the form are is used in the second-person singular and all three plurals. The only verb past participle is been and its gerund-participle is being.

English inflectional forms

Inflection	Strong	Regular
Plain present	take	love
3rd person sg. present	takes	loves
Preterite	took	loved
Plain (infinitive)	take	love
Gerund–participle	taking	loving
Past participle	taken	loved

Tense, aspect and mood

English has two primary tenses, past (preterite) and non-past. The preterite is inflected by using the preterite form of the verb, which for the regular verbs includes the suffix -ed, and for the strong verbs either the suffix -t or a change in the stem vowel. The non-past form is unmarked except in the third person singular, which takes the suffix -s.

	Present	Preterite
First person	I run	I ran
Second person	You run	You ran
Third person	John runs	John ran

English does not have future verb forms. The future tense is expressed periphrastically with one of the auxiliary verbs will or shall. Many varieties also use a near future constructed with the phrasal verb be going to ("going-to future").

	Future
First person	I will run
Second person	You will run
Third person	John will run

Further aspectual distinctions are shown by auxiliary verbs, primarily have and be, which show the contrast between a perfect and non-perfect past tense (I have run vs. I was running), and compound tenses such as preterite perfect (I had been running) and present perfect (I have been running).

For the expression of mood, English uses a number of modal auxiliaries, such as can, may, will, shall and the past tense forms could, might, would, should. There are also subjunctive and imperative moods, both based on the plain form of the verb (i.e. without the third person singular -s), for use in subordinate clauses (e.g. subjunctive: It is important that he run every day; imperative Run!).

An infinitive form, that uses the plain form of the verb and the preposition to, is used for verbal clauses that are syntactically subordinate to a finite verbal clause. Finite verbal clauses are those that are formed around a verb in the present or preterite form. In clauses with auxiliary verbs, they are the finite verbs and the main verb is treated as a subordinate clause. For example, he has to go where only the auxiliary verb have is inflected for time and the main verb to go is in the infinitive, or in a complement clause such as I saw him leave, where the main verb is see, which is in a preterite form, and leave is in the infinitive.

Phrasal verbs

English also makes frequent use of constructions traditionally called phrasal verbs, verb phrases that are made up of a verb root and a preposition or particle that follows the verb. The phrase then functions as a single predicate. In terms of intonation the preposition is fused to the verb, but in writing it is written as a separate word. Examples of phrasal verbs are to get up, to ask out, to back up, to give up, to get together, to hang out, to put up with, etc. The phrasal verb frequently has a highly idiomatic meaning that is more specialised and restricted than what can be simply extrapolated from the combination of verb and preposition complement (e.g. lay off meaning terminate someone's employment). In spite of the idiomatic meaning, some grammarians, including Huddleston & Pullum (2002:274), do not consider this type of construction to form a syntactic constituent and hence refrain from using the term "phrasal verb". Instead, they consider the construction simply to be a verb with a prepositional phrase as its syntactic complement, i.e. he woke up in the morning and he ran up in the mountains are syntactically equivalent.

Adverbs

Main article: English adverbs

The function of adverbs is to modify the action or event described by the verb by providing additional information about the manner in which it occurs. Many adverbs are derived from adjectives by appending the suffix -ly. For example, in the phrase the woman walked quickly, the adverb quickly is derived in this way from the adjective quick. Some commonly used adjectives have irregular adverbial forms, such as good, which has the adverbial form well.

Syntax

Modern English syntax language is moderately analytic. It has developed features such as modal verbs and word order as resources for conveying meaning. Auxiliary verbs mark constructions such as questions, negative polarity, the passive voice and progressive aspect.

Basic constituent order

English word order has moved from the Germanic verb-second (V2) word order to being almost exclusively subject–verb–object (SVO). The combination of SVO order and use of auxiliary verbs often creates clusters of two or more verbs at the centre of the sentence, such as he had hoped to try to open it.

In most sentences, English only marks grammatical relations through word order. The subject constituent precedes the verb and the object constituent follows it. The example below demonstrates how the grammatical roles of each constituent are marked only by the position relative to the verb:

The dog	bites	the man
S	V	O
The man	bites	the dog
S	V	O

An exception is found in sentences where one of the constituents is a pronoun, in which case it is doubly marked, both by word order and by case inflection, where the subject pronoun precedes the verb and takes the subjective case form, and the object pronoun follows the verb and takes the objective case form. The example below demonstrates this double marking in a sentence where both object and subject are represented with a third person singular masculine pronoun:

He	hit	him
S	V	O

Indirect objects (IO) of ditransitive verbs can be placed either as the first object in a double object construction (S V IO O), such as I gave Jane the book or in a prepositional phrase, such as I gave the book to Jane.

Clause syntax

Main article: English clause syntax

In English a sentence may be composed of one or more clauses, that may, in turn, be composed of one or more phrases (e.g. Noun Phrases, Verb Phrases, and Prepositional Phrases). A clause is built around a verb and includes its constituents, such as any NPs and PPs. Within a sentence, there is always at least one main clause (or matrix clause) whereas other clauses are subordinate to a main clause. Subordinate clauses may function as arguments of the verb in the main clause. For example, in the phrase I think (that) you are lying, the main clause is headed by the verb think, the subject is I, but the object of the phrase is the subordinate clause (that) you are lying. The subordinating conjunction that shows that the clause that follows is a subordinate clause, but it is often omitted. Relative clauses are clauses that function as a modifier or specifier to some constituent in the main clause: For example, in the sentence I saw the letter that you received today, the relative clause that you received today specifies the meaning of the word letter, the object of the main clause. Relative clauses can be introduced by the pronouns who, whose, whom, and which as well as by that (which can also be omitted.) In contrast to many other Germanic languages there are no major differences between word order in main and subordinate clauses.

Auxiliary verb constructions

Main articles: Do-support, English auxiliary verbs, and Subject–auxiliary inversion

English syntax relies on auxiliary verbs for many functions including the expression of tense, aspect, and mood. Auxiliary verbs form main clauses, and the main verbs function as heads of a subordinate clause of the auxiliary verb. For example, in the sentence the dog did not find its bone, the clause find its bone is the complement of the negated verb did not. Subject–auxiliary inversion is used in many constructions, including focus, negation, and interrogative constructions.

The verb do can be used as an auxiliary even in simple declarative sentences, where it usually serves to add emphasis, as in "I did shut the fridge." However, in the negated and inverted clauses referred to above, it is used because the rules of English syntax permit these constructions only when an auxiliary is present. Modern English does not allow the addition of the negating adverb not to an ordinary finite lexical verb, as in *I know not—it can only be added to an auxiliary (or copular) verb, hence if there is no other auxiliary present when negation is required, the auxiliary do is used, to produce a form like I do not (don't) know. The same applies in clauses requiring inversion, including most questions—inversion must involve the subject and an auxiliary verb, so it is not possible to say *Know you him?; grammatical rules require Do you know him?

Negation is done with the adverb not, which precedes the main verb and follows an auxiliary verb. A contracted form of not -n't can be used as an enclitic attaching to auxiliary verbs and to the copula verb to be. Just as with questions, many negative constructions require the negation to occur with do-support, thus in Modern English I don't know him is the correct answer to the question Do you know him?, but not *I know him not, although this construction may be found in older English.

Passive constructions also use auxiliary verbs. A passive construction rephrases an active construction in such a way that the object of the active phrase becomes the subject of the passive phrase, and the subject of the active phrase is either omitted or demoted to a role as an oblique argument introduced in a prepositional phrase. They are formed by using the past participle either with the auxiliary verb to be or to get, although not all varieties of English allow the use of passives with get. For example, putting the sentence she sees him into the passive becomes he is seen (by her), or he gets seen (by her).

Questions

Both yes–no questions and wh-questions in English are mostly formed using subject–auxiliary inversion (Am I going tomorrow?, Where can we eat?), which may require do-support (Do you like her?, Where did he go?). In most cases, interrogative words (wh-words; e.g. what, who, where, when, why, how) appear in a fronted position. For example, in the question What did you see?, the word what appears as the first constituent despite being the grammatical object of the sentence. (When the wh-word is the subject or forms part of the subject, no inversion occurs: Who saw the cat?.) Prepositional phrases can also be fronted when they are the questions theme, e.g. To whose house did you go last night?. The personal interrogative pronoun who is the only interrogative pronoun to still show inflection for case, with the variant whom serving as the objective case form, although this form may be going out of use in many contexts.

Discourse level syntax

While English is a subject-prominent language, at the discourse level it tends to use a topic-comment structure, where the known information (topic) precedes the new information (comment). Because of the strict SVO syntax, the topic of a sentence generally has to be the grammatical subject of the sentence. In cases where the topic is not the grammatical subject of the sentence, it is often promoted to subject position through syntactic means. One way of doing this is through a passive construction, the girl was stung by the bee. Another way is through a cleft sentence where the main clause is demoted to be a complement clause of a copula sentence with a dummy subject such as it or there, e.g. it was the girl that the bee stung, there was a girl who was stung by a bee. Dummy subjects are also used in constructions where there is no grammatical subject such as with impersonal verbs (e.g., it is raining) or in existential clauses (there are many cars on the street). Through the use of these complex sentence constructions with informationally vacuous subjects, English is able to maintain both a topic-comment sentence structure and a SVO syntax.

Focus constructions emphasise a particular piece of new or salient information within a sentence, generally through allocating the main sentence level stress on the focal constituent. For example, the girl was stung by a bee (emphasising it was a bee and not, for example, a wasp that stung her), or The girl was stung by a bee (contrasting with another possibility, for example that it was the boy). Topic and focus can also be established through syntactic dislocation, either preposing or postposing the item to be focused on relative to the main clause. For example, That girl over there, she was stung by a bee, emphasises the girl by preposition, but a similar effect could be achieved by postposition, she was stung by a bee, that girl over there, where reference to the girl is established as an "afterthought".

Cohesion between sentences is achieved through the use of deictic pronouns as anaphora (e.g. that is exactly what I mean where that refers to some fact known to both interlocutors, or then used to locate the time of a narrated event relative to the time of a previously narrated event). Discourse markers such as oh, so, or well, also signal the progression of ideas between sentences and help to create cohesion. Discourse markers are often the first constituents in sentences. Discourse markers are also used for stance taking in which speakers position themselves in a specific attitude towards what is being said, for example, no way is that true! (the idiomatic marker no way! expressing disbelief), or boy! I'm hungry (the marker boy expressing emphasis). While discourse markers are particularly characteristic of informal and spoken registers of English, they are also used in written and formal registers.

Vocabulary

It is generally stated that English has around 170,000 words, or 220,000 if obsolete words are counted; this estimate is based on the last full edition of the Oxford English Dictionary from 1989. Over half of these words are nouns, a quarter adjectives, and a seventh verbs. There is one count that puts the English vocabulary at about 1 million words—but that count presumably includes words such as Latin species names, scientific terminology, botanical terms, prefixed and suffixed words, jargon, foreign words of extremely limited English use, and technical acronyms.

Due to its status as an international language, English adopts foreign words quickly and borrows vocabulary from many other sources. Early studies of English vocabulary by lexicographers, the scholars who formally study vocabulary, compile dictionaries, or both, were impeded by a lack of comprehensive data on actual vocabulary in use from good-quality linguistic corpora, collections of actual written texts and spoken passages. Many statements published before the end of the 20th century about the growth of English vocabulary over time, the dates of first use of various words in English, and the sources of English vocabulary will have to be corrected as new computerised analyses of linguistic corpus data become available.

Word-formation processes

English forms new words from existing words or roots in its vocabulary through a variety of processes. One of the most productive processes in English is conversion, using a word with a different grammatical role, for example using a noun as a verb or a verb as a noun. Another productive word-formation process is nominal compounding, producing compound words such as babysitter or ice cream or homesick. A process more common in Old English than in Modern English, but still productive in Modern English, is the use of derivational suffixes (-hood, -ness, -ing, -ility) to derive new words from existing words (especially those of Germanic origin) or stems (especially for words of Latin or Greek origin).

Formation of new words, called neologisms, based on Greek and/or Latin roots (for example television or optometry) is a highly productive process in English and in most modern European languages, so much so that it is often difficult to determine in which language a neologism originated. For this reason, American lexicographer Philip Gove attributed many such words to the "international scientific vocabulary" (ISV) when compiling Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1961). Another active word-formation process in English is the creation of acronyms, words formed by pronouncing abbreviations of longer phrases as single words, e.g. NATO, laser, scuba.

Word origins

Main articles: Foreign-language influences in English and Lists of English words by country or language of origin See also: Linguistic purism in English

Source languages of the English vocabulary

  French, including Anglo-Norman (28.30%)  Latin, including modern scientific and technical Latin (28.24%)  Germanic languages (Old English, Old Norse, Dutch) (25%)  Greek (5.32%)  No etymology given (4.03%)  Derived from proper names (3.28%)  Other (5.83%)

English, besides forming new words from existing words and their roots, also borrows words from other languages. This borrowing is commonplace in many world languages, but English has been especially open to borrowing of foreign words throughout the last 1,000 years. Nevertheless, most of the core vocabulary and the most common words in English are still West Germanic. The English words first learned by children as they learn to speak are mainly Germanic words from Old English. It is not possible to speak or write English without Germanic words, but it is possible to write or speak many sentences in English without foreign loanwords.

But one of the consequences of long language contact between French and English in all stages of their development is that the vocabulary of English has a very high percentage of "Latinate" words (derived from French, especially, and also from other Romance languages and Latin). French words from various periods of the development of French now make up one-third of the vocabulary of English. Linguist Anthony Lacoudre estimated that over 40,000 English words are of French origin and may be understood without orthographical change by French speakers. Words of Old Norse origin have entered the English language primarily from the contact between Old Norse and Old English during colonisation of eastern and northern England. Many of these words are part of English core vocabulary, such as egg and knife.

English has also borrowed many words directly from Latin, the ancestor of the Romance languages, during all stages of its development. Many of these words had earlier been borrowed into Latin from Greek. Latin or Greek are still highly productive sources of stems used to form vocabulary of subjects learned in higher education such as the sciences, philosophy, and mathematics. English continues to gain new loanwords and calques ("loan translations") from languages all over the world, and words from languages other than the ancestral Anglo-Saxon language make up about 60% of the vocabulary of English.

English has formal and informal speech registers; informal registers, including child-directed speech, tend to be made up predominantly of words of Anglo-Saxon origin, while the percentage of vocabulary that is of Latinate origin is higher in legal, scientific, and academic texts.

English loanwords and calques in other languages

Main article: Englishisation

English has had a strong influence on the vocabulary of other languages. The influence of English comes from such factors as opinion leaders in other countries knowing the English language, the role of English as a world lingua franca, and the large number of books and films that are translated from English into other languages. That pervasive use of English leads to a conclusion in many places that English is an especially suitable language for expressing new ideas or describing new technologies. Among varieties of English, it is especially American English that influences other languages. Some languages, such as Chinese, write words borrowed from English mostly as calques, while others, such as Japanese, readily take in English loanwords written in sound-indicating script. Dubbed films and television programmes are an especially fruitful source of English influence on languages in Europe.

Orthography

See also: English alphabet, English Braille, and English orthography

Since the ninth century, English has been written in a Latin alphabet (also called Roman alphabet). Earlier Old English texts in Anglo-Saxon runes are only short inscriptions. The great majority of literary works in Old English that survive to today are written in the Roman alphabet. The modern English alphabet contains 26 letters of the Latin script: a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, j, k, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, u, v, w, x, y, z (which also have capital forms: A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, U, V, W, X, Y, Z).

The spelling system, or orthography, of English is multi-layered and complex, with elements of French, Latin, and Greek spelling on top of the native Germanic system. Further complications have arisen through sound changes with which the orthography has not kept pace. Compared to European languages for which official organisations have promoted spelling reforms, English has spelling that is a less consistent indicator of pronunciation, and standard spellings of words that are more difficult to guess from knowing how a word is pronounced. There are also systematic spelling differences between British and American English. These situations have prompted proposals for spelling reform in English.

Although letters and speech sounds do not have a one-to-one correspondence in standard English spelling, spelling rules that take into account syllable structure, phonetic changes in derived words, and word accent are reliable for most English words. Moreover, standard English spelling shows etymological relationships between related words that would be obscured by a closer correspondence between pronunciation and spelling—for example, the words photograph, photography, and photographic, or the words electricity and electrical. While few scholars agree with Chomsky and Halle (1968) that conventional English orthography is "near-optimal", there is a rationale for current English spelling patterns. The standard orthography of English is the most widely used writing system in the world. Standard English spelling is based on a graphomorphemic segmentation of words into written clues of what meaningful units make up each word.

Readers of English can generally rely on the correspondence between spelling and pronunciation to be fairly regular for letters or digraphs used to spell consonant sounds. The letters b, d, f, h, j, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t, v, w, y, z represent, respectively, the phonemes /b, d, f, h, dʒ, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t, v, w, j, z/. The letters c and g normally represent /k/ and /ɡ/, but there is also a soft c pronounced /s/, and a soft g pronounced /dʒ/. The differences in the pronunciations of the letters c and g are often signalled by the following letters in standard English spelling. Digraphs used to represent phonemes and phoneme sequences include ch for /tʃ/, sh for /ʃ/, th for /θ/ or /ð/, ng for /ŋ/, qu for /kw/, and ph for /f/ in Greek-derived words. The single letter x is generally pronounced as /z/ in word-initial position and as /ks/ otherwise. There are exceptions to these generalisations, often the result of loanwords being spelled according to the spelling patterns of their languages of origin or residues of proposals by scholars in the early period of Modern English to follow the spelling patterns of Latin for English words of Germanic origin.

For the vowel sounds of the English language, however, correspondences between spelling and pronunciation are more irregular. There are many more vowel phonemes in English than there are single vowel letters (a, e, i, o, u, y, and very rarely w). As a result, some "long vowels" are often indicated by combinations of letters (like the oa in boat, the ow in how, and the ay in stay), or the historically based silent e (as in note and cake).

The consequence of this complex orthographic history is that learning to read and write can be challenging in English. It can take longer for school pupils to become independently fluent readers of English than of many other languages, including Italian, Spanish, and German. Nonetheless, there is an advantage for learners of English reading in learning the specific sound-symbol regularities that occur in the standard English spellings of commonly used words. Such instruction greatly reduces the risk of children experiencing reading difficulties in English. Making primary school teachers more aware of the primacy of morpheme representation in English may help learners learn more efficiently to read and write English.

English writing also includes a system of punctuation marks that is similar to those used in most alphabetic languages around the world. The purpose of punctuation is to mark meaningful grammatical relationships in sentences to aid readers in understanding a text and to indicate features important for reading a text aloud.

Dialects, accents and varieties

Main articles: List of dialects of English, World Englishes, and Regional accents of English

Dialectologists identify many English dialects, which usually refer to regional varieties that differ from each other in terms of patterns of grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation. The pronunciation of particular areas distinguishes dialects as separate regional accents. The major native dialects of English are often divided by linguists into the two extremely general categories of British English (BrE) and North American English (NAE). There also exists a third common major grouping of English varieties: Southern Hemisphere English, the most prominent being Australian and New Zealand English.

Britain and Ireland

See also: English language in England, Estuary English, English language in Northern England, Welsh English, Scottish English, Scots language, Ulster English, and Hiberno-English

Speech example An example of a man with a contemporary Received Pronunciation accent (Alain de Botton). Problems playing this file? See media help.	Speech example An example of a man with a Cockney accent (Danny Baker).	Speech example An example of an Essex man with a working-class Estuary English accent (Russell Brand).
Speech example An example of a man with a (West) Yorkshire accent (Damien Hirst).	Speech example An example of a man with a contemporary Liverpool accent (John Bishop).	Speech example An example of a man with a (South) Wales accent (Rob Brydon).
Speech example An example of a man with one of the many accents of Scotland (Alex Salmond).	Speech example An example of a man with a Northern Irish accent (George Best).	Speech example An example of a woman with one of the many accents of the Republic of Ireland (Mary Robinson).

The fact that English has been spoken in England for 1,500 years explains why England has a great wealth of regional dialects. Within the United Kingdom, Received Pronunciation (RP), an educated accent associated originally with the South East of England, has been traditionally used as a broadcast standard and is considered the most prestigious of British accents. The spread of RP (also known as BBC English) through the media has caused many traditional dialects of rural England to recede, as youths adopt the traits of the prestige variety instead of traits from local dialects. At the time of the 1950–61 Survey of English Dialects, grammar and vocabulary differed across the country, but a process of lexical attrition has led most of this variation to disappear.

Nonetheless, this attrition has mostly affected dialectal variation in grammar and vocabulary. In fact, only 3% of the English population actually speak RP, the remainder speaking in regional accents and dialects with varying degrees of RP influence. There is also variability within RP, particularly along class lines between Upper and Middle-class RP speakers and between native RP speakers and speakers who adopt RP later in life. Within Britain, there is also considerable variation along lines of social class; some traits, though exceedingly common, are nonetheless considered "non-standard" and associated with lower-class speakers and identities. An example of this is h-dropping, which was historically a feature of lower-class London English, particularly Cockney, and can now be heard in the local accents of most parts of England. However, it remains largely absent in broadcasting and among the upper crust of British society.

English in England can be divided into four major dialect regions: South East English, South West English (also known as West Country English), Midlands English and Northern English. Within each of these regions, several local dialects exist: within the Northern region, there is a division between the Yorkshire dialects, the Geordie dialect (spoken around Newcastle, in Northumbria) and the Lancashire dialects, which include the urban subdialects of Manchester (Mancunian) and Liverpool (Scouse). Having been the centre of Danish occupation during the Viking invasions of England, Northern English dialects, particularly the Yorkshire dialect, retain Norse features not found in other English varieties.

Since the 15th century, South East England varieties have centred on London, which has been the centre from which dialectal innovations have spread to other dialects. In London, the Cockney dialect was traditionally used by the lower classes, and it was long a socially stigmatised variety. The spread of Cockney features across the South East led the media to talk of Estuary English as a new dialect, but the notion was criticised by many linguists on the grounds that London had been influencing neighbouring regions throughout history. Traits that have spread from London in recent decades include the use of intrusive R (drawing is pronounced drawring /ˈdrɔːrɪŋ/), t-glottalisation (Potter is pronounced with a glottal stop as Po'er /ˈpɒʔə/) and th-fronting, or the pronunciation of th- as /f/ (thanks pronounced fanks) or /v/ (bother pronounced bover).

Scots is today considered a separate language from English, but it has its origins in early Northern Middle English and developed and changed during its history with influence from other sources, particularly Scottish Gaelic and Old Norse. Scots itself has a number of regional dialects. In addition to Scots, Scottish English comprises the varieties of Standard English spoken in Scotland; most varieties are Northern English accents, with some influence from Scots.

In Ireland, various forms of English have been spoken since the Norman invasions of the 11th century. In County Wexford and in the area surrounding Dublin, two extinct dialects known as Forth and Bargy and Fingallian developed as offshoots from Early Middle English and were spoken until the 19th century. Modern Irish English, however, has its roots in English colonisation in the 17th century. Today Irish English is divided into Ulster English, the Northern Ireland dialect with strong influence from Scots, and various dialects of the Republic of Ireland. Like Scottish and most North American accents, almost all Irish accents preserve the rhoticity which has been lost in the dialects influenced by RP.

North America

Main articles: American English, General American English, Southern American English, African-American Vernacular English, Canadian English, and Atlantic Canadian English

Speech example An example of a Midwestern American man with a General American accent (Emery Emery). Problems playing this file? See media help.	Speech example An example of an Alabamian woman with a contemporary Southern American accent (Martha Roby).	Speech example An example of a man with a New York City accent (Chuck Zito).
Speech example An example of a man with a Boston accent (Marty Walsh).	Speech example An example of two men with AAVE accents, the interviewer from Georgia (D. J. Shockley) and the interviewee from Louisiana (Russell Gage).	Speech example An example of an Ontarian woman with a Standard Canadian accent (Margaret Atwood).

STANDARD CANADIAN Pacific
Northwest Aboriginal Canadian Quebec Ottawa MTE ATLANTIC CANADIAN Lunenburg Newfoundland

Due to the relatively strong degree of mixing, mutual accommodation, and koinéization that occurred during the colonial period, North American English has traditionally been perceived as relatively homogeneous, at least in comparison with British dialects. However, modern scholars have strongly opposed this notion, arguing that North American English shows a great deal of phonetic, lexical, and geographic variability. This becomes all the more apparent considering social, ethnolinguistic, and regional varieties such as African American English, Chicano English, Cajun English, or Newfoundland English. American accent variation is increasing at the regional level and decreasing at the very local level, though most Americans still speak within a phonological continuum of similar accents, known collectively as General American English (GA), with differences hardly noticed even among Americans themselves, including Midland and Western American English. In most American and Canadian English dialects, rhoticity (or r-fullness) is dominant, with non-rhoticity (or r-dropping) being associated with lower prestige and social class, especially since the end of World War II. This contrasts with the situation in England, where non-rhoticity has become the standard.

Separate from General American English are American dialects with clearly distinct sound systems that have developed over time, including Southern American English, the English of the coastal Northeastern United States—including New York City English and Eastern New England English—and African-American Vernacular English; all of these, aside from certain subdialects of the American South, were historically non-rhotic.

Canadian English varieties, except for those of the Atlantic provinces and perhaps Quebec, are generally considered to fall under the General American English continuum, although they often show raising of the vowels /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ before voiceless consonants and have distinct norms for writing and pronunciation as well. Atlantic Canadian English, notably distinct from Standard Canadian English, comprises Maritime English (or Maritimer English) and Newfoundland English. It was mostly influenced by British and Irish English, Irish and Scottish Gaelic, and some Acadian French. Regions such as Miramichi and Cape Breton Island have a wide variety of phrases and words not spoken outside of their respective regions.

In Southern American English, the most populous American "accent group" outside of General American English, rhoticity now strongly prevails, replacing the region's historical non-rhotic prestige. Southern accents are colloquially described as a "drawl" or "twang", being recognised most readily by the Southern Vowel Shift initiated by glide-deleting in the /aɪ/ vowel (e.g. pronouncing spy almost like spa), the "Southern breaking" of several front pure vowels into a gliding vowel or even two syllables (e.g. pronouncing the word "press" almost like "pray-us"), the pin–pen merger, and other distinctive phonological, grammatical, and lexical features, many of which are actually recent developments of the 19th century or later.

Spoken primarily by working- and middle-class African Americans, African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is also largely non-rhotic and likely originated among enslaved Africans and African Americans influenced primarily by the non-rhotic, non-standard older Southern dialects. A minority of linguists, contrarily, propose that AAVE mostly traces back to African languages spoken by the slaves who had to develop a pidgin or Creole English to communicate with slaves of other ethnic and linguistic origins. AAVE's important commonalities with Southern accents suggest it developed into a highly coherent and homogeneous variety in the 19th or early 20th century. AAVE is commonly stigmatised in North America as a form of "broken" or "uneducated" English, as are white Southern accents, but linguists today recognise both as fully developed varieties of English with their own norms shared by large speech communities.

Australia and New Zealand

Main articles: Australian English and New Zealand English

Speech example An example of a man with a general Australian accent. Problems playing this file? See media help.	Speech example An example of a South Australian woman with a broad Australian accent (Julia Gillard).	Speech example An example of a Queensland man with a cultivated Australian accent (Geoffrey Rush).
Speech example An example of a woman with a New Zealand accent (Eleanor Catton).	Speech example An example of a man with a New Zealand accent (John Key).

Since 1788, English has been spoken in Oceania, and Australian English has developed as the first language of the vast majority of the inhabitants of the Australian continent, its standard accent being General Australian. The English of neighbouring New Zealand has to a lesser degree become an influential standard variety of the language. Australian and New Zealand English are each other's closest relatives with few differentiating characteristics, followed by South African English and the English of South East England, all of which have similarly non-rhotic accents, aside from some accents in the South Island of New Zealand. Australian and New Zealand English stand out for their innovative vowels: many short vowels are fronted or raised, whereas many long vowels have diphthongised. Australian English also has a contrast between long and short vowels, not found in most other varieties. Australian English grammar aligns closely with British and American English; like American English, collective plural subjects take on a singular verb (as in the government is rather than are). New Zealand English uses front vowels that are often even higher than in Australian English.

Southeast Asia

Main articles: Southeast Asian English, Singapore English, Philippine English, Malaysian English, and Brunei English

Speech example An example of a male teenager with a Singaporean accent. Problems playing this file? See media help.

Speech examples Examples of a man and woman with Filipino accents.

The first significant exposure of the Philippines to the English language occurred in 1762 when the British occupied Manila during the Seven Years' War, but this was a brief episode that had no lasting influence. English later became more important and widespread during American rule between 1898 and 1946 and remains an official language of the Philippines. Today, the use of English is ubiquitous in the Philippines, being found on street signs and marquees, in government documents and forms, in courtrooms, in the media and entertainment industries, in the business sector, and in various other aspects of daily life. One particularly prominent form of English usage in the country is found in everyday speech: most Filipinos from Manila use or, at the very least, have been exposed to Taglish, a form of code-switching between Tagalog and English. A similar code-switching method is used by urban native speakers of Bisayan languages under the name of Bislish.

Africa, the Caribbean, and South Asia

See also: South African English, Nigerian English, Caribbean English, and South Asian English

Speech example An example of a man with a South African accent. Problems playing this file? See media help.	Speech example An example of a woman with an educated Nigerian accent (Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie).	Speech example An example of a woman and man with Jamaican accents.
	Speech example An example of a Northeast Indian woman with an Indian accent (Arundhati Roy).

English is spoken widely in southern Africa and is an official or co-official language in several of the region's countries. In South Africa, English has been spoken since 1820, co-existing with Afrikaans and various African languages such as the Khoe and Bantu languages. Today, about nine percent of the South African population speaks South African English (SAE) as a first language. SAE is a non-rhotic variety that tends to follow RP as a norm. It is one of the few non-rhotic English varieties that lack intrusive R. The second-language varieties of South Africa differ based on the native languages of their speakers. Most phonological differences from RP are in the vowels. Consonant differences include the tendency to pronounce /p, t, t͡ʃ, k/ without aspiration (e.g. pin pronounced rather than as as in most other varieties), while r is often pronounced as a flap instead of as the more common fricative.

Nigerian English is a variety of English spoken in Nigeria. It has traditionally been based on British English, but in recent years, because of influence from the United States, some words of American English origin have made it into Nigerian English. Additionally, some new words and collocations have emerged from the variety out of a need to express concepts specific to the culture of the nation (e.g. senior wife). Over 150 million Nigerians speak English.

Several varieties of English are also spoken in the Caribbean islands that were colonial possessions of Britain, including Jamaica, the Leeward and Windward Islands and Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, the Cayman Islands and Belize. Each of these areas is home both to a local variety of English and a local English-based creole, combining English and African languages. The most prominent varieties are Jamaican English and Jamaican Creole. In Central America, English-based creoles are spoken on the Caribbean coasts of Nicaragua and Panama. Locals are often fluent in both the local English variety and the local creole languages, and code-switching between them is frequent. Indeed, a way to conceptualise the relationship between such creole and standard varieties is to view them as a spectrum of language registers in which the most creole-like forms serve as the "basilect" and the most RP-like forms serve as the "acrolect", the most formal register.

Most Caribbean varieties are based on British English and consequently, most are non-rhotic, except for formal styles of Jamaican English which are often rhotic. Jamaican English differs from RP in its vowel inventory, which has a distinction between long and short vowels rather than tense and lax vowels as in Standard English. The diphthongs /ei/ and /ou/ are monophthongs and or even the reverse diphthongs and (e.g. bay and boat pronounced and ). Often word-final consonant clusters are simplified so that "child" is pronounced and "wind" .

As a historical legacy, Indian English tends to take RP as its ideal, and how well this ideal is realised in an individual's speech reflects class distinctions among Indian English speakers. Indian English accents are marked by the pronunciation of phonemes such as /t/ and /d/ (often pronounced with retroflex articulation as and ) and the replacement of /θ/ and /ð/ with dentals and . Sometimes Indian English speakers may also use spelling-based pronunciations where the silent ⟨h⟩ found in words such as ghost is pronounced as an Indian voiced aspirated stop .

Non-native varieties

Main article: Non-native pronunciations of English

Speech example An example of a Hispanophone man speaking English. Problems playing this file? See media help.

Speech example An example of a Japanese man speaking English (Shinzo Abe).

Speech example An example of a German man speaking English (Werner Herzog).

Non-native English speakers may pronounce words differently due to having not fully mastered English pronunciation. This can happen either because they apply the speech rules of their mother tongue to English ("interference") or through implementing strategies similar to those used in first language acquisition. They may create innovative pronunciations for English sounds, not found in the speaker's first language.

See also

• Linguistic purism in English
• English-speaking world
• English-only movement
• List of countries and territories where English is an official language

References

1. Oxford Learner's Dictionary 2015, Entry: English – Pronunciation.
2. "What are the top 200 most spoken languages?". Ethnologue. 2023. Archived from the original on 18 June 2023. Retrieved 3 October 2023.
3. ^ English at Ethnologue (26th ed., 2023)
4. ^ The Routes of English.
5. Crystal 2003a, p. 6.
6. Wardhaugh 2010, p. 55.
7. Salome, Rosemary (2022). The Rise of English as a Global Language. Oxford University Press, pp. 6–7.
8. Ethnologue 2010.
9. ^ Crystal 2003b, pp. 108–109.
10. Chua, Amy (18 January 2022). "How the English Language Conquered the World". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 1 March 2022.
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External links

Library resources about
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• Accents of English from Around the World (University of Edinburgh). Sound files comparing how 110 words are pronounced in 50 English accents from around the world.
• International Dialects of English Archive – recordings of English dialects and international L2 accents

v t e Description of the English language
Grammar Phonology Stress and reduced vowels Orthography Spelling reform Alphabet Braille Dialects Language history Phonological history

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v t e History of English Proto-Indo-European Proto-Germanic Proto-West-Germanic Anglo-Frisian languages Old English Kentish Mercian Northumbrian West Saxon Anglo-Norman language Middle English Early Modern English Modern English Phonological history Vowels A Changes before historic /l/ Changes before historic /r/ Close back vowels Close front vowels Diphthongs Great Vowel Shift Open back vowels Trisyllabic laxing Consonants Clusters Flapping H-dropping L-vocalization Ng Rhoticity T-glottalization Th fronting stopping Wh v t e Dialects and accents of Modern English by continent Europe Great Britain England North Cheshire Cumbria Barrow Lancashire Liverpool Manchester Northumbria Pitmatic Sunderland Tyneside Teesside Yorkshire Midlands East Midlands West Midlands Birmingham Black Country Stoke-on-Trent South East Anglia London & Thames Estuary Cockney Multicultural Received Pronunciation West Country Cornwall Dorset Scotland Glasgow Highlands Wales Abercraf Cardiff Gower Port Talbot 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accent Cape Flats South Atlantic Uganda Zimbabwe Asia East Asia Hong Kong South Asia Bangladesh India regional and occupational Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Southeast Asia Brunei Malaysia Myanmar Philippines Singapore Related English language Basic Broad and general accents Comparison of American and British English E-Prime Engrish English as a lingua franca English-based creole languages Englishisation Globish Gogate Nerrière International Learning Linguistic purism in English List of English-based pidgins Non-native pronunciations of English Plain Standard v t e Germanic languages According to contemporary philology West Anglo-Frisian Anglic English dialects Old English Middle English Modern English Early Modern English Irish Middle English Fingallian Kildare Yola Scots Early Scots Middle Scots Frisian Historical forms Old Frisian Middle Frisian East Frisian Ems Saterland Frisian Upgant Frisian Weser Wangerooge Frisian Wursten Frisian Harlingerland Frisian North Frisian Insular Eiderstedt Föhr–Amrum Föhr Amrum Heligolandic Sylt Mainland Bökingharde Mooring Halligen Goesharde Northern Central Southern Karrharde Strand Wiedingharde West Frisian Hindeloopen Schiermonnikoog Westlauwers–Terschellings Mainland West Frisian Clay Frisian Wood Frisian Westereendersk Terschelling Low German Historical forms Old Saxon Middle Low German West Low German Dutch Low Saxon Stellingwarfs Tweants Gronings Drèents Gelders-Overijssels Achterhooks Sallaans Urkers Veluws Northern Low Saxon East Frisian Low Saxon Eastphalian Westphalian East Low German Mecklenburgisch-Vorpommersch Brandenburgisch Central Pomeranian East Pomeranian Low Prussian Plautdietsch / Mennonite Low German Low Franconian Historical forms Frankish Old Dutch Middle Dutch Standard variants Dutch Afrikaans (Kaaps) West Low Franconian Central Dutch Hollandic West Flemish French Flemish Zeelandic East Flemish Brabantian Kleverlandish Surinamese Dutch Jersey Dutch Mohawk Dutch Stadsfries/Bildts/Amelands/Midslands East Low Franconian Limburgish Cover groups Bergish Meuse-Rhenish High German (German) Historical forms Old High German Middle High German New High German Early New High German Standard German German Standard German Austrian Standard German Swiss Standard German Non-standard variants and creoles Namibian German Namibian Black German Berlinerisch Unserdeutsch Barossa German Rotwelsch Lotegorisch Yenish Yiddish Eastern Western Scots Yiddish Klezmer-loshn Lachoudisch Central German West Central German Central Franconian Ripuarian Colognian Southeast Limburgish Moselle Franconian Luxembourgish Transylvanian Saxon Hunsrückisch Hunsrik Rhine Franconian Lorraine Franconian Palatine Volga German Pennsylvania Dutch Hessian Central Hessian Amana German East Central German Thuringian Upper Saxon Erzgebirgisch Lusatian Silesian German High Prussian Wymysorys Halcnovian Upper German Alemannic in the broad sense Low Alemannic Alsatian Coloniero High Alemannic Swiss German Highest Alemannic Walser German Swabian Bavarian Northern Bavarian Central Bavarian Viennese German Southern Bavarian South Tyrolean Cimbrian Mòcheno Hutterite German Gottscheerish South Franconian East Franconian Vogtlandian Langobardic North and East North Historical forms Proto-Norse Old Norse Old West Norse Old East Norse Old Gutnish West Norwegian Bergensk Kebabnorsk Sognamål Trøndersk Valdris Vestlandsk Vikværsk Bokmål (written) Nynorsk (written) Old Norwegian Middle Norwegian Faroese Icelandic Old Icelandic Middle Icelandic Greenlandic Norse Norn East Swedish Swedish dialects Rinkebysvenska Danish Danish dialects Insular Danish Jutlandic South Jutlandic East Danish Bornholmsk Scanian (historically) Southern Schleswig Danish Gøtudanskt Perkerdansk Old Danish Middle Danish Dalecarlian Elfdalian Gutnish Mainland Gutnish Fårö Gutnish East Gothic Crimean Gothic Ostrogoth Visigoth Gepid ? Burgundian Vandalic Herulian ? Skirian ? Philology Language subgroups North East West Elbe (Irminonic) Weser-Rhine (Istvaeonic) North Sea (Ingvaeonic) Northwest Gotho-Nordic South Reconstructed Proto-Germanic Proto-Germanic grammar Germanic parent language Ancient Belgian language Diachronic features Grimm's law Verner's law Holtzmann's law Sievers's law Kluge's law Germanic substrate hypothesis West Germanic gemination High German consonant shift Germanic a-mutation Germanic umlaut Germanic spirant law Ingvaeonic nasal spirant law Great Vowel Shift Synchronic features Germanic verb Germanic strong verb Germanic weak verb Preterite-present verb Grammatischer Wechsel Indo-European ablaut Italics indicate extinct languages Languages between parentheses are varieties of the language on their left. v t e Dictionaries of English Old and Middle English An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Dictionary of Old English Middle English Dictionary Historic Catholicon Anglicum (1483) The English Schoole-Master (1596) The New World of English Words (1658) A New English Dictionary (1702) An Universal Etymological English Dictionary (1721) Johnson's A Dictionary of the English Language (1755) Webster's Dictionary (1828) Worcester's Dictionary Richardson's New Dictionary Imperial Dictionary (1847–1850) Century Dictionary (1889–1891) World Book Dictionary Dictionary of American English British English Chambers Collins Oxford OED ODE Compact Concise Shorter Penguin American English American Heritage American Regional Encarta New Oxford American Random House Webster's Webster's New World Webster's Third New International Canadian English Canadian Oxford Dictionary of Canadianisms Dictionary of Newfoundland English Gage Canadian Australian English Australian National Australian Oxford Macquarie Online Collaborative International Dictionary of English Urban Dictionary Wiktionary Wordnik Learners / ESL Cambridge Advanced Learner's Collins COBUILD Advanced Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners Merriam-Webster's Advanced Learner's Oxford Advanced Learner's v t e English-speaking world Further links Articles English-speaking world History of the English language British Empire English in the Commonwealth of Nations Anglosphere Lists List of countries by English-speaking population List of countries where English is an official language   Countries and territories where English is the national language or the native language of the majority Africa Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha Americas Anguilla Antigua and Barbuda The Bahamas Barbados Belize Bermuda British Virgin Islands Canada Cayman Islands Dominica Falkland Islands Grenada Guyana Jamaica Montserrat Saba Saint Kitts and Nevis Saint Lucia Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Sint Eustatius Sint Maarten South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands Trinidad and Tobago Turks and Caicos Islands United States United States Virgin Islands Europe Guernsey Ireland Isle of Man Jersey United Kingdom Oceania Australia New Zealand Norfolk Island Pitcairn Islands   Countries and territories where English is an official language, but not the majority first language Africa Botswana Cameroon Eswatini The Gambia Ghana Kenya Lesotho Liberia Malawi Mauritius Namibia Nigeria Rwanda Sierra Leone Somaliland South Africa South Sudan Sudan Tanzania Uganda Zambia Zimbabwe Americas Puerto Rico Asia Christmas Island Cocos (Keeling) Islands Hong Kong India Pakistan Philippines Singapore Europe Gibraltar Akrotiri and Dhekelia Malta Oceania American Samoa Cook Islands Fiji Guam Kiribati Marshall Islands Micronesia Nauru Niue Northern Mariana Islands Palau Papua New Guinea Samoa Solomon Islands Tokelau Tuvalu Vanuatu Dependencies shown in italics.

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