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{{Short description|Nazi politician and Propaganda Minister (1897–1945)}}
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{{Redirect|Goebbels}}
{{Infobox Chancellor
{{Good article}}
|name = Paul Joseph Goebbels
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|image = Bundesarchiv Bild 146-1968-101-20A, Joseph Goebbels.jpg
{{pp-pc|small=yes}}
|imagesize = 245px
{{Use British English|date=November 2024}}
|caption =
{{Use dmy dates|date=March 2020}}
|order = ]
{{Infobox officeholder
|term_start = 30 April
| image = Bundesarchiv Bild 146-1968-101-20A, Joseph Goebbels.jpg
|term_end = 1 May 1945
| caption = Goebbels in 1933
|president = ]
|predecessor = ] | order = ]
| status =
|successor = none (] became Leading Minister)
| president = ]
|order2 = ]
| term = 30 April{{snd}}1{{nbsp}}May 1945
|term_start2 = 13 March 1933
| predecessor = ]
|term_end2 = 30 April 1945
| successor = ] (as Leading Minister){{ref label|ch|1|}}
|predecessor2 = office created
| order1 = ''Stadtpräsident'' of Berlin
|successor2 = ]
| term_start1 = 7 April 1944
|birth_date = {{birth date|1897|10|29|mf=y}}<br />], ], ]
| term_end1 = 1 May 1945
|death_date = {{death date and age|df=yes|1945|5|1|1897|10|29}}<br />], ]
| predecessor1 = ]
|party =] (NSDAP)
| successor1 = ''Office abolished''
|spouse = ]
| order2 = ]
|religion =]
| chancellor2 = Adolf Hitler
|alma_mater = ] <br /> ] <br /> ] <br /> ]
| term_start2 = 14 March 1933
|occupation = ]
| term_end2 = 30 April 1945
|signature = Joseph Goebbels Signature.svg
| predecessor2 = ''Office established''
| successor2 = ]
| office3 = '']'' of Berlin
| 1blankname3 = Führer
| 1namedata3 = Adolf Hitler
| term_start3 = 26 October 1926
| term_end3 = 1 May 1945
| predecessor3 = ]
| successor3 = ''Office abolished''
| title4 = Additional positions
| suboffice4 = Commander of the '']'' in ]
| subterm4 = 1944–1945
| suboffice5 = ]
| subterm5 = 1944—1945
| suboffice6 = {{lang|de|]}} of the ]
| subterm6 = 1933–1945
| suboffice7 = Member of the ]
| subterm7 = 1933—1945
| suboffice8 = Member of the ]
| subterm8 = 1928–1933
| birth_name = Paul Joseph Goebbels
| birth_date = {{Birth date|1897|10|29|df=y}}
| birth_place = ], German Empire
| death_date = {{Death date and age|df=yes|1945|5|1|1897|10|29}}
| death_place = Berlin, Germany
| death_cause = Suicide (] or ])
| party = ] (from 1924)
| spouse = {{marriage|]|19 December 1931|<!--1 May 1945|end=their deaths-->}}
| children = ]
| education = {{plainlist|
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ] (], 1921)
}} }}
| occupation = {{hlist|]|politician|]}}
| signature = Joseph Goebbels Signature.svg
| footnotes = {{note|ch}} Formally titled "Leading Minister" or "Chief Minister" (''Leitender Minister'')
| module = {{Listen|pos=center|embed=yes|filename=Joseph_Goebbels_Rede_im_Berliner_Sportpalast_1943.ogg|title=Joseph Goebbels' voice|type=speech|description=]<br/>Recorded on 18 February 1943}}
| honorific_prefix = '']''
}}
{{Joseph Goebbels series}}


'''Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels''' ({{IPA-de|ˈɡœbəls}}; {{IPA-en|ˈɡɝːbəlz|UK}}, {{IPA-en|ˈɡʌbəlz|US}}; ] ]{{ndash}} ] ]) was a ] politician and Reich minister of Propaganda in ] from 1933 to 1945. As one of German dictator ]'s closest associates and most devout followers, he was known for his zealous ] and ]. He was the chief architect of the ] attack on the ], which historians consider to be the commencement of the Nazi violence culminating in the ]. '''Paul Joseph Goebbels''' ({{IPA|de|ˈpaʊ̯l ˈjoːzɛf ˈɡœbl̩s|lang|De-Paul Joseph Goebbels.oga}}; 29 October 1897&nbsp;– 1 May 1945) was a German ] politician and ] who was the '']'' (district leader) of Berlin, chief ] for the ], and then ] from 1933 to 1945. He was one of ]'s closest and most devoted followers, known for his skills in ] and his deeply virulent ] which was evident in his publicly voiced views. He advocated progressively harsher discrimination, including the extermination of the Jews in ].


Goebbels, who aspired to be an author, obtained a doctorate in philology from the ] in 1921. He joined the Nazi Party in 1924, and worked with ] in its northern branch. He was appointed ''Gauleiter'' of Berlin in 1926, where he began to take an interest in the use of propaganda to promote the party and its programme. After the ] in 1933, Goebbels's Propaganda Ministry quickly gained control over the news media, arts and information in ]. He was particularly adept at using the relatively new media of radio and film for propaganda purposes. Topics for party propaganda included antisemitism, attacks on Christian churches, and (after the start of the ]) attempts to shape morale.
Goebbels earned a ] from ] in 1921, writing his ] on 18th-century romantic drama; he then went on to work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock exchange. He also wrote novels and plays, but they were rejected by publishers. Goebbels came into contact with the ] in 1923 during the French ] and became a member in 1924. He was appointed ] (regional party leader) of ]. In this position, he put his propaganda skills to full use, combating the local ] and ] parties with the help of Nazi papers and the paramilitary ]. By 1928, he had risen in the party ranks to become one of its most prominent members.


In 1943, Goebbels began to pressure Hitler to introduce measures that would produce "]", including closing businesses not essential to the war effort, conscripting women into the labour force, and enlisting men in previously exempt occupations into the ]. Hitler finally appointed him as ] on 23 July 1944, whereby Goebbels undertook largely unsuccessful measures to increase the number of people available for armaments manufacture and the Wehrmacht.
Goebbels rose to power in 1933 along with Hitler and the Nazi party, and he was appointed propaganda minister. One of his first acts was the ] rejected by the Nazis. He exerted totalitarian control over the media, arts, and information in Germany. In that position, he perfected an understanding of the "]" technique of propaganda, which is based on the principle that a lie, if audacious enough and repeated enough times, will be believed by the masses.


As the war drew to a close and Nazi Germany faced defeat, ] and the ] joined Hitler in Berlin. They moved into the underground '']'', part of Hitler's underground bunker complex, on 22 April 1945. ] on 30 April. In accordance with ], Goebbels succeeded him as ]; he served one day in this post. The following day, Goebbels and his wife Magda committed suicide, after having poisoned their six children with ].
From the beginning of his tenure, Goebbels organized attacks on German Jews, commencing with the boycott of 1933. His attacks on the Jewish population culminated in the '']'' assault of 1938, an open and unrestrained ] unleashed by the Nazis all across Germany, in which scores of Synagogues were burned and hundreds of Jews were assaulted and murdered. ("''Kristallnacht''" refers to the broken glass spread on the streets, as the Nazis smashed the windows of thousands of Jewish businesses.)


==Early life, education, and relationships==
Goebbels used modern ] techniques to psychologically prepare the German people for aggressive war and the annihilation of civilian populations. Among other propaganda devices, he accused many of Germany's ethnic and national minorities (such as the Poles, the Jews, the French) of trying to destroy Germany, claiming that Germany's belligerent actions were taken in self-defense.
Paul Joseph Goebbels was born on 29 October 1897 in ], an industrial town south of ] near ], Germany.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=5}} Both of his parents were ] with modest family backgrounds.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=5}} His father, Fritz, was a German factory clerk; his mother, Katharina Maria (''née'' Odenhausen), was born to ] and German parents in a Dutch village close to the border with Germany.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=2, 299}}{{sfn|Reuth|1994|p=339}} Goebbels had five siblings: Konrad (1893–1949), Hans (1895–1947), Maria (1896–1896), Elisabeth (1901–1915) and Maria (1910–1949),{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=5}} who married the German filmmaker ] in 1938.{{sfn|Hull|1969|p=149}} In 1932 Goebbels commissioned the publication of a pamphlet of his family tree to refute the rumours that his maternal grandmother was of Jewish ancestry.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=299}}


During childhood Goebbels experienced ill health, which included a long bout of inflammation of the lungs. He had a ], which turned inwards and was due to a ]. It was thicker and shorter than his left foot.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=5}} Just prior to starting grammar school he underwent an operation, which failed to correct the problem.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=6}} Goebbels wore a metal brace and a special shoe because of his shortened leg and walked with a limp. He was rejected for military service in ] because of this deformity.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=14}}
During ], Goebbels increased his power and influence through shifting alliances with other Nazi leaders. By late 1943, the tide of the war was turning against the ] powers, but this only spurred Goebbels to intensify the propaganda by urging the Germans to accept the idea of ] and mobilization. Goebbels remained with Hitler in ] to the end, and following the Führer's ] he was the second person to serve as the Third Reich{{'}}s Chancellor — albeit for one day. In his final hours, Goebbels and his wife, ], killed their six young ]. Shortly after, they both committed suicide.


]
== Early life ==
Goebbels was educated at a '']'', where he completed his '']'' (university entrance examination) in 1917.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=7}} He was the top student of his class and was given the traditional honour of speaking at the awards ceremony.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=10}} His parents initially hoped that he would become a Catholic priest, which Goebbels seriously considered.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=6}} He studied literature and history at the universities of ], ], ] and ],{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=10–11, 14}} aided by a scholarship from the Albertus Magnus Society.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=6–7}} By this time Goebbels had begun to distance himself from the church.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=14}}
Goebbels was born in ], an industrial town south of ] (of which it is now part) on the edge of the ] district.<ref>There are currently no really reliable biographical sources for Goebbels in ]. Older biographies have been rendered obsolete by the discovery of the complete '']'' in the ] archives in 1992. Since then the only full biography in English has been ]’s ''Goebbels: Mastermind of the Third Reich'' (1996). There are biographical sketches in ], ''The Face of the Third Reich'' (Weidenfeld and Nicholson 1970), 83–97, and ], ''The Coming of the Third Reich'' (Penguin 2003), 203–205.</ref> His family were Catholics of modest means, his father a factory clerk, his mother originally a farmhand. He had four siblings: Hans (1893–1947), Konrad (1895–1949), Elisabeth (1901–1915) and Maria (born 1910, later married to the German filmmaker ]). Goebbels was educated at a Christian '']'', or secondary school, where he completed his ] (university entrance examination) in 1916. Beginning in childhood, he had a deformed right leg, the result either of ] or ].<ref>Goebbels is commonly said to have had ] (''talipes equinovarus''), a congenital condition. But ], who spent the 1930s in Berlin as a journalist and was acquainted with Goebbels, wrote in '']'' (] 1960) that the deformity arose from a childhood attack of ] and a botched operation to correct it. Osteomyelitis, an infection within the ], can cause the destruction of one or more of the growing points in the long bones of the leg, a condition known as ''septic osteoblastic dysgenesis''. This will result in a shortened leg.</ref> He wore a metal brace and special shoe to compensate for his shortened leg, but nevertheless walked with a limp all his life. As a result of these conditions, he was rejected for military service in ], which he bitterly resented. He later frequently misrepresented himself as a war veteran and his disability as a war wound.<ref>Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 88</ref> The nearest he came to military service was as an "office soldier" from June 1917 to October 1917 in Rheydt's "Patriotic Help Unit".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic.php?t=70253 |title=Axis History link |publisher=Forum.axishistory.com |date= |accessdate=2009-08-09}}</ref>


Historians, including ] and ], speculate that Goebbels' lifelong pursuit of women may have been in compensation for his physical disability.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=204}}{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=164}} At Freiburg he met and fell in love with Anka Stalherm, who was three years his senior.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=12, 13}} She went on to Würzburg to continue studying, as did Goebbels.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=14}} By 1920 the relationship with Anka was over; the break-up filled Goebbels with thoughts of suicide.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=20, 21}}{{efn|name=letters}} In 1921 he wrote a semi-autobiographical novel, '']'', a three-part work of which only Parts I and III have survived.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=16}} Goebbels felt he was writing his "own story".{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=16}} Antisemitic content and material about a charismatic leader may have been added by Goebbels shortly before the book was published in 1929 by ], the publishing house of the ] (National Socialist German Workers' Party; NSDAP).{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=19, 26}}
Goebbels compensated for his physical shortcomings with intellectual accomplishments.{{Fact|date=June 2009}} Goebbels attended the ] of German Franciscan brothers in Bleijerheide, ], ]). After growing distant from his ] faith<ref>Richard J. Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'' (Allen Lane 2005), 249, says that "Goebbels’s religious beliefs retained a residual element of ]" as opposed to the outright ] of ] and ]. In one of his last articles, on the occasion of Hitler’s birthday in April 1945, he described Hitler as God’s implement. ("Our Hitler," ''Völkischer Beobachter'', 20 April 1945, online here )</ref> he studied literature and philosophy at universities in ], ], ] and ], where he wrote his ] on the 18th century romantic novelist ]. His two most influential teachers, ] and his doctoral supervisor at Heidelberg, ], were Jews. His intelligence and political astuteness were generally acknowledged even by his enemies.<ref>Michael H. Kater, ''Hitler Youth'' (Harvard University Press 2004), says that his "intelligent insights into policy matters were second to none in Hitler's entourage." (12) Kater credits Goebbels with persuading Hitler in 1930 to take the recruitment of young supporters into the Hitler Youth seriously. (11)</ref>


At the ] Goebbels wrote his ] on ], a minor 19th-century romantic dramatist.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=17}} He had hoped to write his thesis under the supervision of ], a literary historian. It did not seem to bother Goebbels that Gundolf was Jewish. As he was no longer teaching, Gundolf directed Goebbels to associate professor ]. Waldberg, who was also Jewish, recommended Goebbels write his thesis on Wilhelm von Schütz. After submitting the thesis and passing his oral examination, Goebbels received his PhD on 21 April 1922.{{sfn|Reuth|1994|pp=17 ill., 27–33, 36, 42, 48 ill., 52–55}}{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=21, 22}} By 1940 he had written 14 books.{{sfn|Gunther|1940|p=66}}
After completing his doctorate in 1921, Goebbels worked as a journalist and tried for several years to become a published author. He wrote a semi-autobiographical novel, '']'', two-] plays, and quantities of romantic poetry. In these works, he revealed the psychological damage his physical limitations had caused. "The very name of the hero, Michael, to whom he gave many autobiographical features, suggests the way his self-identification was pointing: a figure of light, radiant, tall, unconquerable," and above all "'To be a soldier! To stand sentinel! One ought always to be a soldier,' wrote Michael-Goebbels."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 88</ref> Goebbels found another form of compensation in the pursuit of women, a lifelong compulsion which he indulged "with extraordinary vigor and a surprising degree of success."<ref name="autogenerated1">Evans, ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 204</ref> His diaries reveal a long succession of affairs, before and after his marriage before a Protestant pastor in 1931 to ], with whom he had ].<ref>Gerhard Besier, ''The Holy See and Hitler's Germany'' (London: Palgrave, 2007), 130</ref>


Goebbels returned home and worked as a private tutor. He also found work as a journalist and was published in the local newspaper. His writing during that time reflected his growing ] and dislike for modern culture. In the summer of 1922 he met and began a love affair with Else Janke, a schoolteacher.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=22–25}} After she revealed to him that she was half-Jewish, Goebbels stated the "enchantment ruined."{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=24}} Nevertheless he continued to see her on and off until 1927.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=72, 88}}
Goebbels was embittered by the frustration of his literary career; his novel did not find a publisher until 1929 and his plays were never staged. He found an outlet for his desire to write in ], which he began in 1923 and continued for the rest of his life.<ref>In 1992, the missing sections of the diaries were found in the Moscow archives by Dr. ]. A multi-volume edition of the diaries is in preparation.</ref> He later worked as a bank clerk and a caller on the stock exchange.<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 89</ref> During this period, he read avidly and formed his political views. Major influences were ], ] and, most importantly, ], the British-born German writer who was one of the founders of "scientific" ], and whose book ''The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century'' (1899) was one of the standard works of the ] in Germany. Goebbels spent the winter of 1919–20 in ], where he witnessed and admired the violent ] reaction against the attempted communist revolution in ]. His first political hero was ], the man who assassinated the Bavarian prime minister ].<ref name="autogenerated1"/> Hitler was in Munich at the same time and entered politics as a result of similar experiences.


He continued for several years to try to become a published author.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=32–33}} His ], which he began in 1923 and continued for the rest of his life, provided an outlet for his desire to write.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=3}} The lack of income from his literary works – he wrote two plays in 1923, neither of which sold{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=32}} – forced him to take employment as a caller on the stock exchange and as a bank clerk in ], a job he detested.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=33}}{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=25–26}} He was dismissed from the bank in August 1923 and returned to Rheydt.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=27}} During this period he read avidly and was influenced by the works of ], ] and ], the British-born German writer whose book '']'' (1899) was one of the standard works of the ] in Germany.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=24–26}} He also began to study the ] and read the works of ], ], ], ] and ].{{sfn|Reuth|1994|p=28}}{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=43}} According to German historian ], Goebbels's diary entries from late 1923 to early 1924 reflected the writings of a man who was isolated, preoccupied with "religious-philosophical" issues and lacked a sense of direction. Diary entries from mid-December 1923 onwards show Goebbels was moving towards the '']'' nationalist movement.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=28, 33, 34}}
The culture of the German extreme right was violent and ], which posed a challenge to the physically frail University graduate. ] writes:


==Nazi activist==
<blockquote>This was the source of his hatred of the intellect, which was a form of self-hatred, his longing to degrade himself, to submerge himself in the ranks of the masses, which ran curiously parallel with his ambition and his tormenting need to distinguish himself. He was incessantly tortured by the fear of being regarded as a ‘] intellectual’… It always seemed as if he were offering blind devotion (to Nazism) to make up for his lack of all those characteristics of the racial elite which nature had denied him.<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 87</ref></blockquote>
Goebbels first took an interest in ] and ] in 1924.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=36}} In February 1924, Hitler's trial for treason began in the wake of his failed attempt to seize power in the ] of 8–9 November 1923.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=127–131}} The trial attracted widespread press coverage and gave Hitler a platform for propaganda.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=133–135}} Hitler was sentenced to five years in prison, but was released on 20 December 1924, after serving just over a year, including ].{{sfn|Bullock|1962|p=121}} Goebbels was drawn to the Nazi Party mostly because of Hitler's charisma and commitment to his beliefs.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=36, 37}} He joined the Nazi Party around this time, becoming member number 8762.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=33}} In late 1924, Goebbels offered his services to ], who was '']'' (Nazi Party district leader) for the Rhine-Ruhr District. Kaufmann put him in touch with ], a leading Nazi organiser in northern Germany, who hired him to work on their weekly newspaper and undertake secretarial work for the regional party offices.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=40–41}} He was also put to work as party speaker and representative for ]-].{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=46}} Strasser founded the ] on 10 September 1925, a short-lived group of about a dozen northern and western German ''Gauleiter''; Goebbels became its business manager and the editor of its biweekly journal, ''NS-Briefe''.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=61}} Members of Strasser's northern branch of the Nazi Party, including Goebbels, had a more socialist outlook than the rival Hitler group in ].{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=167}} Strasser disagreed with Hitler on many parts of the party platform, and in November 1926 began working on a revision.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=169}}


Hitler viewed Strasser's actions as a threat to his authority, and summoned 60&nbsp;''Gauleiters'' and party leaders, including Goebbels, to a ], in ] '']'' of ], where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating Strasser's new political programme.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=168–169}} Hitler was opposed to the socialist leanings of the northern wing, stating it would mean "political bolshevization of Germany." Further, there would be "no princes, only Germans," and a legal system with no "Jewish system of exploitation&nbsp;... for plundering of our people." The future would be secured by acquiring land, not through expropriation of the estates of the former nobility, but through colonising territories to the east.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=169}} Goebbels was horrified by Hitler's characterisation of socialism as "a Jewish creation" and his assertion that a Nazi government would not expropriate private property. He wrote in his diary: "I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That's the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away."{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=66}}
== Nazi activist ==
]


After reading Hitler's book '']'', Goebbels found himself agreeing with Hitler's assertion of a "Jewish doctrine of ]".{{sfn|Reuth|1994|p=66}} In February 1926, Goebbels gave a speech titled "Bolshevism or National-socialism? Lenin or Hitler?" in which he asserted that communism or Marxism could not save the German people, but he believed it would cause a "socialist nationalist state" to arise in Russia.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=63}} In 1926, Goebbels published a pamphlet titled ''Nazi-Sozi'' which attempted to explain how National Socialism differed from Marxism.{{sfn|Goebbels|1927}}
Like others who were later prominent in the ], Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923, during the campaign of resistance to the ]. Hitler’s imprisonment following the failed November 1923 "]" left the party temporarily leaderless, and when the 27-year-old Goebbels joined the party in late 1924 the most important influence on his political development was ], who became Nazi organizer in northern Germany in March 1924. Strasser ("the most able of the leading Nazis" of this period)<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', Volume I (W.W. Norton 1999), 270</ref> took the "socialist" component of National Socialism far more seriously than did Hitler and other members of the Bavarian leadership of the party.


In hopes of winning over the opposition, Hitler arranged meetings in Munich with the three Greater Ruhr ''Gau'' leaders, including Goebbels.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=67}} Goebbels was impressed when Hitler sent his own car to meet them at the railway station. That evening, Hitler and Goebbels both gave speeches at a beer hall rally.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=67}} The following day, Hitler offered his hand in reconciliation to the three men, encouraging them to put their differences behind them.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=68}} Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total loyalty. He wrote in his diary: "I love him&nbsp;... He has thought through everything," "Such a sparkling mind can be my leader. I bow to the greater one, the political genius." He later wrote: "Adolf Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same time. What one calls a genius."{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=171}} As a result of the Bamberg and Munich meetings, the National Socialist Working Association was disbanded.{{sfn|Stachura|2015|p=50, n.58}} Strasser's new draft of the party programme was discarded, the original ] of 1920 was retained unchanged, and Hitler's position as party leader was greatly strengthened.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=171}}
"National and socialist! What goes first, and what comes afterwards?" Goebbels asked rhetorically in a debate with ], '']'' (regional party head) of ], in the ] party newspaper ''National-sozialistische Briefe'' (National-Socialist Letters), of which he was editor, in mid-1925. "With us in the west, there can be no doubt. First socialist redemption, then comes national liberation like a whirlwind… Hitler stands between both opinions, but he is on his way to coming over to us completely."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 272</ref> Goebbels, with his journalistic skills, thus soon became a key ally of Strasser in his struggle with the Bavarians over the party program. The conflict was not, so they thought, with Hitler, but with his lieutenants, ], ] and ], who, they said, were mismanaging the party in Hitler’s absence. In 1925, Goebbels published an open letter to "my friends of the left," urging unity between socialists and Nazis against the ]. "You and I," he wrote, "we are fighting one another although we are not really enemies."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 89. These sentiments were reciprocated by some on the ]. Richard F. Hamilton, ''Who Voted for Hitler?'', Princeton University Press 1982, 570 quotes strikingly anti-Semitic statements made by some German Communist leaders in their efforts to create a common front between Communist and National Socialist workers.</ref>


==Propagandist in Berlin==
In February 1926, Hitler, having finished working on '']'', made a sudden return to party affairs and soon disabused the northerners of any illusions about where he stood. He summoned about 60&nbsp;''gauleiters'' and other activists, including Goebbels, to a ], in Streicher’s Gau of ], where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating the political program of the "socialist" wing of the party. For Hitler, the real enemy of the German people was always the Jews, not the ]. Goebbels was bitterly disillusioned. "I feel devastated," he wrote. "What sort of Hitler? A ]?" He was horrified by Hitler’s characterization of socialism as "a Jewish creation", his declaration that the ] must be destroyed, and his assertion that private property would not be expropriated by a Nazi government. "I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That’s the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 275</ref>
At Hitler's invitation, Goebbels spoke at party meetings in Munich and at the annual ], held in ] in 1926.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=61, 64}} For the following year's event, Goebbels was involved in the planning for the first time. He and Hitler arranged for the rally to be filmed.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=94}} Receiving praise for doing well at these events led Goebbels to shape his political ideas to match Hitler's, and to admire and idolise him even more.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=62}}


===Gauleiter===
Hitler, however, recognized Goebbels’ talents. In April, he brought Goebbels to Munich, sending his own car to meet him at the railway station, and gave him a long private audience. Hitler berated Goebbels over his support for the "socialist" line, but offered to "wipe the slate clean" if Goebbels would now accept his leadership. Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total loyalty&nbsp;– a pledge which was clearly sincere, and which he adhered to until the end of his life. "I love him&nbsp;... He has thought through everything," Goebbels wrote. "Such a sparkling mind can be my leader. I bow to the greater one, the political ]. Later he wrote: "Adolf Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same time. What one calls a genius."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 277</ref> Fest writes:
Goebbels was first offered the position of party ''Gauleiter'' for the ] section in August 1926. He travelled to Berlin in mid-September and by the middle of October accepted the position. Thus Hitler's plan to divide and dissolve the northwestern ''Gauleiters'' group that Goebbels had served in under Strasser was successful.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=71, 72}} Hitler gave Goebbels great authority over the area, allowing him to determine the course for organisation and leadership for the ''Gau''. Goebbels was given control over the local '']'' (SA) and '']'' (SS) and answered only to Hitler.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=75}} The party membership numbered about 1,000 when Goebbels arrived, and he reduced it to a core of 600 of the most active and promising members. To raise money, he instituted membership fees and began charging admission to party meetings.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=75}} Aware of the value of publicity (both positive and negative), he deliberately provoked beer-hall battles and street brawls, including violent attacks on the ] (KPD).{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=75–77}} Goebbels adapted recent developments in commercial advertising to the political sphere, including the use of catchy slogans and subliminal cues.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=81}} His new ideas for poster design included using large type, red ink, and cryptic headers that encouraged the reader to examine the fine print to determine the meaning.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=76, 80}}


{{multiple image
<blockquote>From this point on he submitted himself, his whole existence, to his attachment to the person of the ''Führer'', consciously eliminating all inhibitions springing from intellect, ] and self-respect. Since this submission was an act less of faith than of insight, it stood firm through all vicissitudes to the end. ‘He who forsakes the Führer withers away,’ he would later write.</blockquote>
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| image1 = Bundesarchiv Bild 119-2406-01, Berlin-Lustgarten, Rede Joseph Goebbels.jpg
| width1 = 174
| caption1 = Goebbels speaks at a political rally (1932). This body position, with arms akimbo, was intended to show the speaker as being in a position of authority.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=82}}
| image2 = Bundesarchiv Bild 102-17049, Joseph Goebbels spricht.jpg
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| caption2 = Goebbels giving a speech in ], Berlin, August 1934. This hand gesture was used while delivering a warning or threat.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=82}}
}}


Like Hitler, Goebbels practised his ] skills in front of a mirror. Meetings were preceded by ceremonial marches and singing, and the venues were decorated with party banners. His entrance (almost always late) was timed for maximum emotional impact. Goebbels usually meticulously planned his speeches ahead of time, using pre-planned and choreographed inflection and gestures, but he was also able to improvise and adapt his presentation to make a good connection with his audience.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=75–79}}{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=82}} He used loudspeakers, decorative flames, uniforms, and marches to attract attention to speeches.{{sfn|Gunther|1940|p=67}}
== Propagandist in Berlin ==
In October 1926, Hitler rewarded Goebbels for his new loyalty by making him the party "]" for the Berlin section of the National Socialists. Goebbels was then able to use the new position to indulge his literary aspirations in the German capital, which he perceived to be a stronghold of the socialists and communists. Here, Goebbels discovered his talent as a propagandist, writing such tracts as 1926's ''The Second Revolution'' and ''Lenin or Hitler''.<ref> ''Current Biography 1941'', pp.323–26</ref>


Goebbels' tactic of using provocation to bring attention to the Nazi Party, along with violence at the public party meetings and demonstrations, led the Berlin police to ban the Nazi Party from the city on 5 May 1927.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=79}}{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=93, 94}} Violent incidents continued, including young Nazis randomly attacking Jews in the streets.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=82}} Goebbels was subjected to a public speaking ban until the end of October.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=84}} During this period, he founded the newspaper '']'' (''The Attack'') as a propaganda vehicle for the Berlin area, where few supported the party. It was a modern-style newspaper with an aggressive tone;{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=89}} 126 libel suits were pending against Goebbels at one point.{{sfn|Gunther|1940|p=67}} To his disappointment, circulation was initially only 2,000. Material in the paper was highly anti-communist and antisemitic.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=82}} Among the paper's favourite targets was the Jewish Deputy Chief of the Berlin Police ]. Goebbels gave him the derogatory nickname "Isidore" and subjected him to a relentless campaign of Jew-baiting in the hope of provoking a crackdown he could then exploit.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=80–81}} Goebbels continued to try to break into the literary world, with a revised version of his book ''Michael'' finally being published, and the unsuccessful production of two of his plays (''Der Wanderer'' and ''Die Saat'' (''The Seed'')). The latter was his final attempt at playwriting.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=95, 98}} During this period in Berlin he had relationships with many women, including his old flame Anka Stalherm, who was now married and had a small child. He was quick to fall in love, but easily tired of a relationship and moved on to someone new. He worried too about how a committed personal relationship might interfere with his career.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=108–112}}
Here, he was also able to indulge his heretofore latent taste for violence, if only vicariously through the actions of the street fighters under his command. History, he said, "is made in the street," and he was determined to challenge the dominant parties of the left&nbsp;– the ] and ]&nbsp;– in the streets of Berlin.<ref>Anthony Read and David Fisher, ''Berlin: The Biography of a City'' (Pimlico 1994), 187–189</ref> Working with the local ] (stormtrooper) leaders, he deliberately provoked beer-hall battles and street brawls, frequently involving firearms. "Beware, you dogs," he wrote to his former "friends of the left": "When ] is loose in me you will not curb him again." When the inevitable deaths occurred, he exploited them for the maximum effect, turning the street fighter ], who was killed at his home by enemy political activists, into a martyr and hero.<ref name="ReferenceA">Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 90</ref>


===1928 election===
In Berlin, Goebbels was able to give full expression to his genius for propaganda, as editor of the Berlin Nazi newspaper '']'' (''The Attack'') and as the author of a steady stream of Nazi posters and handbills. "He rose within a few months to be the city’s most feared agitator."<ref name="ReferenceA"/> His propaganda techniques were totally cynical: "That propaganda is good which leads to success, and that is bad which fails to achieve the desired result," he wrote. "It is not propaganda’s task to be intelligent, its task is to lead to success."<ref name="ReferenceA"/>
The ban on the Nazi Party was lifted before the '']'' elections on 20 May 1928.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=99–100}} The Nazi Party lost nearly 100,000 voters and earned only 2.6 per cent of the vote nationwide. Results in Berlin were even worse, where they attained only 1.4 per cent of the vote.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=209}} Goebbels was one of the first 12 Nazi Party members to gain election to the ''Reichstag''.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=209}} This gave him immunity from prosecution for a long list of outstanding charges, including a three-week jail sentence he received in April for insulting the deputy police chief Weiß.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=94}} The Reichstag changed the immunity regulations in February 1931, and Goebbels was forced to pay fines for libellous material he had placed in ''Der Angriff'' over the course of the previous year.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=147–148}} Goebbels continued to be elected to the ''Reichstag'' at every subsequent election during the Weimar and Nazi regimes.{{sfn|Reichstag databank}}


In his newspaper ''Berliner Arbeiterzeitung'' (''Berlin Workers Newspaper''), Gregor Strasser was highly critical of Goebbels' failure to attract the urban vote.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=100–101}} However, the party as a whole did much better in rural areas, attracting as much as 18 per cent of the vote in some regions.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=209}} This was partly because Hitler had publicly stated just prior to the election that Point 17 of the party programme, which mandated the expropriation of land without compensation, would apply only to Jewish speculators and not private landholders.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=189}} After the election, the party refocused their efforts to try to attract still more votes in the agricultural sector.{{sfn|Evans|2003|pp=209, 211}} In May, shortly after the election, Hitler considered appointing Goebbels as party propaganda chief. But he hesitated, as he worried that the removal of Gregor Strasser from the post would lead to a split in the party. Goebbels considered himself well suited to the position, and began to formulate ideas about how propaganda could be used in schools and the media.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=116}}
Among his favorite targets were socialist leaders such as ] and ], and the Jewish Berlin Police President, ] (1880–1951), whom he subjected to a relentless campaign of Jew-baiting in the hope of provoking a crackdown which he could then exploit. The ] city government obliged in 1927 with an eight-month ban on the party, which Goebbels exploited to the limit. When a friend criticized him for denigrating Weiss, a man with an exemplary military record, "he explained cynically that he wasn’t in the least interested in Weiss, only in the propaganda effect."<ref name="ReferenceA"/>


] (pictured) in 1930 as a propaganda tool{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=124}} against "Communist subhumans".{{sfn|Siemens|2013|p=143}}]]
Goebbels also discovered a talent for ], and was soon second in the Nazi movement only to Hitler as a public speaker. Where Hitler’s style was hoarse and passionate, Goebbels’ was cool, sarcastic and often humorous: he was a master of biting invective and insinuation, although he could whip himself into a ] frenzy if the occasion demanded. Unlike Hitler, however, he retained a cynical detachment from his own rhetoric. He openly acknowledged that he was exploiting the lowest instincts of the German people&nbsp;– ], ], ] and insecurity. He could, he said, play the popular will like a piano, leading the masses wherever he wanted them to go. "He drove his listeners into ecstasy, making them stand up, sing songs, raise their arms, repeat oaths&nbsp;– and he did it, not through the passionate inspiration of the moment, but as the result of sober ] calculation."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 92</ref>


By 1930 Berlin was the party's second-strongest base of support after Munich.{{sfn|Gunther|1940|p=67}} That year the violence between the Nazis and communists led to local SA troop leader ] being shot by two members of the KPD. He later died in hospital.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=123}} Exploiting Wessel's death, Goebbels turned him into a martyr for the Nazi movement. He officially declared Wessel's march ''Die Fahne hoch'' (''Raise the flag''), renamed as the '']'', to be the Nazi Party anthem.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=124}}
] (1932)]]


===Great Depression===
Goebbels’ words and actions made little impact on the political loyalties of Berlin.<ref>Hamilton, ''Who Voted for Hitler?'', discusses Goebbels' record as an election campaigner. Hamilton notes: "In National Socialist literature, as well as in the writings of the party's opponents, much attention has been given to the masterly ] efforts of the Berlin Gauleiter, Joseph Goebbels, showing an extraordinary appreciation of ], so it is said, he manipulated audiences with unequaled skill. Goebbels's accomplishment, however, as measured by... voting results, was at all times inferior to that of his less well known colleagues in ]." (109)</ref> At the 1928 '']'' elections, the Nazis polled less than 2% of the vote in Berlin compared with 33% for the Social Democrats and 25% for the Communists. At this election Goebbels was one of the 10 Nazis elected to the Reichstag, which brought him a salary of 750 '']s'' a month and ].<ref>Read and Fisher, Berlin, 189</ref> Even when the impact of the ] led to an enormous surge in support for the Nazis across Germany, Berlin resisted the party’s appeal more than any other part of Germany: at its peak in 1932, the Nazi Party polled 28% in Berlin to the combined left’s 55%.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.gonschior.de/weimar/Preussen/Berlin/Uebersicht_RTW.html |title=Wahlen in der Weimarer Republik website |publisher=Gonschior.de |date= |accessdate=2009-08-09}}</ref> But his outstanding talents, and the obvious fact that he stood high in Hitler’s regard, earned Goebbels the grudging respect of the anti-intellectual brawlers of the Nazi movement, who called him "our little doctor" with a mixture of affection and amusement. By 1928, still aged only 31, he was acknowledged to be one of the inner circle of Nazi leaders. "The ] would have let itself be hacked to bits for him," wrote Horst Wessel in 1929.<ref>Evans, ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 208</ref>
The ] greatly impacted Germany and by 1930 there was a dramatic increase in unemployment.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=127}} During this time, the Strasser brothers started publishing a new daily newspaper in Berlin, the ''Nationaler Sozialist''.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=125, 126}} Like their other publications, it conveyed the brothers' own brand of Nazism, including nationalism, anti-capitalism, social reform, and anti-Westernism.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=200}} Goebbels complained vehemently about the rival Strasser newspapers to Hitler and admitted that their success was causing his own Berlin newspapers to be "pushed to the wall".{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=125, 126}} In late April 1930, Hitler publicly and firmly announced his opposition to Gregor Strasser and appointed Goebbels to replace him as Reich leader of Nazi Party propaganda.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=128}} One of Goebbels' first acts was to ban the evening edition of the ''Nationaler Sozialist''.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=129}} Goebbels was also given control of other Nazi papers across the country, including the party's national newspaper, the '']'' (''People's Observer''). He still had to wait until 3 July for Otto Strasser and his supporters to announce they were leaving the Nazi Party. Upon receiving the news, Goebbels was relieved the "crisis" with the Strassers was finally over and glad that Otto Strasser had lost all power.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=130}}


The rapid deterioration of the economy led to the resignation on 27 March 1930 of the coalition government that had been elected in 1928. ] appointed ] as ].{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=199}} A new cabinet was formed, and Hindenburg used his power as president to govern via ].{{sfn|Evans|2003|pp=249–250}} Goebbels took charge of the Nazi Party's national campaign for Reichstag elections called for 14 September 1930. Campaigning was undertaken on a huge scale, with thousands of meetings and speeches held all over the country. Hitler's speeches focused on blaming the country's economic woes on the ], particularly its adherence to the terms of the ], which required war reparations that had proven devastating to the German economy. He proposed a new German society based on race and national unity. The resulting success took even Hitler and Goebbels by surprise: the party received 6.5 million votes nationwide and took 107 seats in the Reichstag, making it the second-largest party in the country.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=202}} ] in ]]]
The ] led to a new resurgence of "left" sentiment in some sections of the Nazi Party, led by Gregor Strasser’s brother ], who argued that the party ought to be competing with the Communists for the loyalties of the unemployed and the industrial workers by promising to expropriate the capitalists. Hitler, whose dislike of ] militancy reflected his social origins in the small-town ], was thoroughly opposed to this line. He recognized that the growth in Nazi support at the 1930 elections had mainly come from the ] and from farmers, and he was now busy building bridges to the ]es and to German business. In April 1930, he fired Strasser as head of the Nazi Party national propaganda apparatus and appointed Goebbels to replace him, giving him control of the party’s national newspaper, the '']'' (''People’s Observer''), as well as other Nazi papers across the country. Goebbels, although he continued to show "leftish" tendencies in some of his actions (such as co-operating with the Communists in supporting the Berlin transport workers' strike in November 1932),<ref>Hamilton, ''Who Voted for Hitler'', 389. Hamilton notes that ''Der Angriff'' struck a noticeably "anti-bourgeois" tone in the last years of the ] (416).</ref> was totally loyal to Hitler in his struggle with the Strassers, which culminated in Otto’s expulsion from the party in July 1930.<ref>Gregor lost all his power but remained nominal head of the party organisation until 1932: he was murdered in 1934 in the ]. Otto went into ].</ref>


In late 1930 Goebbels met ], a divorcée who had joined the party a few months earlier. She worked as a volunteer in the party offices in Berlin, helping Goebbels organise his private papers.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=151–152}} Her flat on ] soon became a favourite meeting place for Hitler and other Nazi Party officials.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=94}} Goebbels and Quandt married on 19 December 1931{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=167}} at a Protestant church.{{sfn|Read|2003|p=223}} Hitler was his best man.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=94}}
Despite his ] rhetoric, Goebbels’ most important contribution to the Nazi cause between 1930 and 1933 was as the organizer of successive election campaigns: The ''Reichstag'' elections of September 1930, July and November 1932 and March 1933, and Hitler’s presidential campaign of March–April 1932. He proved to be an organizer of genius, choreographing Hitler’s dramatic airplane tours of Germany and pioneering the use of radio and cinema for electoral campaigning. The Nazi Party’s use of torchlight parades, brass bands, massed choirs, and similar techniques caught the imagination of many voters, particularly young people. "His propaganda headquarters in Munich sent out a constant stream of directives to local and regional party sections, often providing fresh slogans and fresh material for the campaign."<ref>Evans, ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 259. Evans notes that many Nazi voters in the party’s breakthrough election in 1930 were young or other first-time voters, brought to the polls by the excitement generated by Goebbels’ campaign techniques.</ref> Although the spectacular rise in the Nazi vote in 1930 and July 1932 was caused mainly by the effects of the Depression, Goebbels as party campaign manager was naturally given much of the credit.


For two further elections held in 1932, Goebbels organised massive campaigns that included rallies, parades, speeches, and Hitler travelling around the country by aeroplane with the slogan "the Führer over Germany".{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=227}} Goebbels wrote in his diary that the Nazis must gain power and exterminate Marxism.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=182}} He undertook numerous speaking tours during these election campaigns and had some of their speeches published on ]s and as pamphlets. Goebbels was also involved in the production of a small collection of ]s that could be shown at party meetings, though they did not yet have enough equipment to widely use this medium.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=172, 173, 184}}{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=125}} Many of Goebbels' campaign posters used violent imagery such as a giant half-clad male destroying political opponents or other perceived enemies such as "International High Finance".{{sfn|Evans|2003|pp=290–291}} His propaganda characterised the opposition as "]", "Jewish wire-pullers", or a communist threat.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=293}}
== Propaganda Minister ==
When Hitler was appointed ''Reich'' Chancellor of Germany on 30 January 1933, Goebbels was initially given no office: the coalition cabinet which Hitler headed contained only a minority of Nazis as part of the deal he had negotiated with President ] and the ] parties. But as the propaganda head of the ruling party, a party which had no great respect for the law, he immediately began to behave as though he were in power. He commandeered the state radio to produce a live broadcast of the torchlight parade which celebrated Hitler’s assumption of office. On 13 March, Goebbels had his reward for his part in bringing the Nazis to power by being appointed ] (''Volksaufklärung und Propaganda''), with a seat in the Cabinet.


==Role in Hitler's government==
The role of the new ministry, which took over palatial accommodation in the 18th-century Leopold Palace on ], just across from Hitler’s offices in the ], was to centralize Nazi control of all aspects of German cultural and intellectual life, particularly the press, radio and the visual and performing arts.<ref> Part of the building had long housed the German government press office, other parts of it were occupied by the Prussian Finance Ministry. Goebbels soon occupied the whole building. The Palace was destroyed by Allied bombs, but some of Goebbels's extensions at the rear of the Palace survived and are still in use, although now obscured from view from Wilhelmstrasse by a postwar building.</ref> On 1 May, Goebbels organised the massive demonstrations and parades to mark the "Day of National Labor" which preceded the Nazi takeover and destruction of the German ] movement. By 3 May, he was able to boast in his diary: "We are the masters of Germany."<ref>Evans, ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 358</ref> On 10 May, he supervised an even more symbolic event in the establishment of Nazi cultural power: the burning of up to 20,000 books by Jewish or anti-Nazi authors in the '']'' next to the university.<ref>Read and Fisher, ''Berlin'', 205</ref>
Support for the party continued to grow, but neither of these elections led to a majority government. In an effort to stabilise the country and improve economic conditions, Hindenburg appointed Hitler as Reich chancellor on 30 January 1933.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=307}}


To celebrate Hitler's appointment as chancellor, Goebbels organised a torchlight parade in Berlin on the night of 30 January of an estimated 60,000 men, many in the uniforms of the SA and SS. The spectacle was covered by a live state radio broadcast, with commentary by longtime party member and future Minister of Aviation ].{{sfn|Evans|2003|pp=310–311}} Goebbels was disappointed not to be given a post in Hitler's new cabinet. ] was appointed as ], the post that Goebbels was expecting to receive.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=206}} Like other Nazi Party officials, Goebbels had to deal with Hitler's leadership style of giving contradictory orders to his subordinates, while placing them into positions where their duties and responsibilities overlapped.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=131}} In this way, Hitler fostered distrust, competition, and infighting among his subordinates to consolidate and maximise his own power.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=323}} The Nazi Party took advantage of the ] of 27 February 1933, with Hindenburg passing the ] the following day at Hitler's urging. This was the first of several pieces of legislation that dismantled democracy in Germany and put a totalitarian dictatorship—headed by Hitler—in its place.{{sfn|Evans|2003|pp=332–333}} On 5 March, yet another Reichstag election took place, the last to be held before the defeat of the Nazis at the end of the Second World War.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=339}} While the Nazi Party increased their number of seats and percentage of the vote, it was not the landslide expected by the party leadership.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=212}} Goebbels finally received Hitler's appointment to the cabinet, officially becoming head of the newly created ] on 14 March.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=121}}
] in 1937]]


] in Berlin, 10 May 1933]]
The ] ambitions of the Propaganda Ministry were shown by the divisions which Goebbels soon established: press, radio, film, theater, music, literature, and publishing. In each of these, a ''Reichskammer'' (''Reich'' Chamber) was established, co-opting leading figures from the field (usually not known Nazis) to head each Chamber, and requiring them to supervise the purge of Jews, socialists and liberals, as well as practitioners of "degenerate" art forms such as ] and ].<ref>The chambers were the ''Reich'' Chamber of Film, the ''Reich'' Chamber of the Visual Arts, the ''Reich'' Chamber of Theater, the ''Reich'' Chamber of Radio, the ''Reich'' Chamber of the Press, the ''Reich'' Chamber of Music, and the ''Reich'' Chamber of Literature. They were grouped into the ''Reich'' Chamber of Culture. (Hans Fritzsche, "Dr. Goebbels and his Ministry," originally published as "Dr. Goebbels und sein Ministerium," in Hans Heinz Mantau-Sadlia, ''Deutsche Führer Deutsches Schicksal'' (Verlag Max Steinebach, 1934), available online here </ref> The respected composer ], for example, became head of the ''Reich'' Music Chamber. Goebbels’ orders were backed by the threat of force. The many prominent Jews in the arts and the ] emigrated in large numbers rather than risk the fists of the SA and the gates of the ], as did many socialists and liberals. Some ] anti-Nazis with good connections or international reputations survived until the mid-1930s, but most were forced out sooner or later.


The role of the new ministry, which set up its offices in the 18th-century ] across from the ], was to centralise Nazi control of all aspects of German cultural and intellectual life.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=212–213}} Goebbels hoped to increase popular support of the party from the 37 per cent achieved at the last free election held in Germany on 25 March 1933 to 100 per cent support. An unstated goal was to present to other nations the impression that the Nazi Party had the full and enthusiastic backing of the entire population.{{sfn|Evans|2005|p=121}} One of Goebbels' first productions was staging the Day of Potsdam, a ceremonial passing of power from Hindenburg to Hitler, held in ] on 21 March.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=214}} He composed the text of Hitler's decree authorising the ], held on 1 April.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=218}} Later that month, Goebbels travelled back to Rheydt, where he was given a triumphal reception. The townsfolk lined the main street, which had been renamed in his honour. On the following day, Goebbels was declared a local hero.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=221}}
Control of the arts and media was not just a matter of personnel. Soon the content of every newspaper, book, novel, play, film, broadcast and concert, from the level of nationally-known publishers and orchestras to local newspapers and village choirs, was subject to supervision by the Propaganda Ministry, although a process of self-] was soon effectively operating in all these fields, leaving the Ministry in Berlin free to concentrate on the most politically sensitive areas such as major newspapers and the state radio. No author could publish, no painter could exhibit, no singer could broadcast, no critic could criticize, unless they were a member of the appropriate ''Reich'' Chamber, and membership was conditional on good behavior. Goebbels could ] as well as threaten: he secured a large budget for his Ministry, with which he was able to offer generous salaries and ] to those in the arts who co-operated with him. These were inducements which most artists, theaters and orchestras, after their struggles to survive during the Depression, found hard to refuse.<ref>The process by which Goebbels established control over the German arts and mass media by a combination of co-option, bribery and coercion is described in detail in Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', chapter 2 "The Mobilization of the Spirit." In ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 399–402, Evans describes how Goebbels used the parlous financial state of the ] to break down the resistance of its renowned conductor, ], to the removal of Jewish musicians from the orchestra.</ref>


Goebbels converted the 1 May holiday from a celebration of workers' rights (observed as such especially by the communists) into a day celebrating the Nazi Party. In place of the usual ad hoc labour celebrations, he organised a huge party rally held at Tempelhof Field in Berlin. The following day, all trade union offices in the country were forcibly disbanded by the SA and SS, and the Nazi-run ] was created to take their place.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=128–129}} "We are the masters of Germany," he commented in his diary entry of 3 May.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=358}} Less than two weeks later, he gave a speech at the ] in Berlin on 10 May,{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=224}} a ceremony he suggested.{{sfn|Gunther|1940|p=67}}
As the most highly educated member of the Nazi leadership, and the one with the most authentic pretensions to high culture, Goebbels was sensitive to charges that he was dragging German culture down to the level of mere propaganda. He responded by saying that the purpose of both art and propaganda was to bring about a spiritual mobilization of the German people. He was, in fact, far from the most militant member of the Nazi leadership on cultural questions. The more ] Nazis wanted nothing in German books but Nazi slogans, nothing on German stages and cinema screens but Nazi heroics, and nothing in German concert halls but ].


Meanwhile, the Nazi Party began passing laws to marginalise Jews and remove them from German society. The ], passed on 7 April 1933, forced all non-]s to retire from the legal profession and civil service.{{sfn|Longerich|2010|p=40}} Similar legislation soon deprived Jewish members of other professions of their right to practise.{{sfn|Longerich|2010|p=40}} The first ] (initially created to house political dissenters) were founded shortly after Hitler seized power.{{sfn|Evans|2003|p=344}} In a process termed '']'' (coordination), the Nazi Party proceeded to rapidly bring all aspects of life under control of the party. All civilian organisations, including agricultural groups, volunteer organisations, and sports clubs, had their leadership replaced with Nazi sympathisers or party members. By June 1933, virtually the only organisations not in the control of the Nazi Party were the army and the churches.{{sfn|Evans|2005|p=14}} On 2 June 1933, Hitler appointed Goebbels a '']'', the second highest political rank in the Nazi Party.{{sfn|Orlow|1973|p=74}} On 3 October 1933, on the formation of the ], Goebbels was made a member and given a seat on its executive committee.{{sfn|Miller|Schulz|2012|p=293}}
Goebbels insisted that German high culture must be allowed to carry on, both for reasons of international prestige and to win the loyalty of the upper middle classes, who valued art forms such as ] and the ]. He thus became to some extent the protector of the arts as well as their regulator. In this, he had the support of Hitler, a passionate devotee of ]. But Goebbels always had to bow to Hitler’s views. Hitler loathed ] of all kinds, and Goebbels (whose own tastes were sympathetic to modernism) was forced to acquiesce in imposing very ] forms on the artistic and musical worlds. The music of ], for example, was banned simply because Hitler did not like it.
{{anchor|Schriftleitergesetz}}
In a move to manipulate Germany's middle class and shape popular opinion, the regime passed on 4 October 1933 the ''Schriftleitergesetz'' (Editor's Law), which became the cornerstone of the Nazi Party's control of the popular press.{{sfn|Hale|1973|pp=83–84}} Modelled to some extent on the system in ]'s ], the law defined a ''Schriftleiter'' as anyone who wrote, edited, or selected texts and/or illustrated material for serial publication. Individuals selected for this position were chosen based on experiential, educational, and racial criteria.{{sfn|Hale|1973|pp=85–86}} The law required journalists to "regulate their work in accordance with National Socialism as a philosophy of life and as a conception of government."{{sfn|Hale|1973|p=86}}


In 1934, Goebbels published ''Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei'' ("From the ] to the Reich Chancellery"), his account of Hitler's seizure of power, which he based on his diary from 1 January 1932 to 1 May 1933. The book sought to glorify both Hitler and the author.{{sfn|Low|1996|pp=94–95, 198}} It sold around 660,000 copies, making it Goebbels's best-selling publication during his lifetime.{{sfn|Adam|2021|p=104}}
Goebbels also resisted the complete Nazification of the arts because he knew that the masses must be allowed some respite from slogans and propaganda. He ensured that film studios such as ] at ] near Berlin continued to produce a stream of comedies and light romances, which drew mass audiences to the cinema where they would also watch propaganda newsreels and Nazi epics. His abuse of his position as Propaganda Minister and the reputation that built up around his use of the "casting couch" was well known. Many actresses wrote later of how Goebbels had tried to lure them to his home. He acquired the nickname "Bock von Babelsberg" lit: "Babelsberg Stud". He resisted considerable pressure to ban all foreign films&nbsp;– helped by the fact that Hitler was a big fan of ]. For the same reason, Goebbels worked to bring culture to the masses&nbsp;– promoting the sale of cheap radios, organizing free concerts in factories, staging art exhibitions in small towns and establishing mobile cinemas to bring the movies to every village. All of this served short-term propaganda ends, but also served to reconcile the German people, particularly the working class, to the regime.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 210</ref>


At the end of June 1934, top officials of the SA and opponents of the regime, including Gregor Strasser, were arrested and killed in a purge later called the ]. Goebbels was present at the arrest of SA leader ] in Munich.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=132–134}} On 2 August 1934, President von Hindenburg died. In a radio broadcast, Goebbels announced that the offices of president and chancellor had been combined, and Hitler had been formally named as ''] und Reichskanzler'' (leader and chancellor).{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=137}}
== Goebbels and the Jews ==
Despite the enormous power of the Propaganda Ministry over German cultural life, Goebbels’ status began to decline once the Nazi regime was firmly established in power.<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 93</ref> This was because the real business of the Nazi regime was preparation for war, and although propaganda was a part of this, it was not the primary objective. By the mid-1930s, Hitler’s most powerful subordinates were ], as head of the ] for crash rearmament, and ], head of the ] and police apparatus. Once the internal enemies of the Nazi Party were destroyed, as they effectively were by 1935, Goebbels’ propaganda efforts began to lose their point, and without an enemy to fight, his rhetoric began to sound hollow and unconvincing.


===Workings of the Ministry===
As a man of education and culture, Goebbels had once mocked the "primitive" anti-Semitism of Nazis such as ]. But as Joachim Fest observes: "Goebbels in the increasingly unrestrained practice of anti-Semitism by the state new possibilities into which he threw himself with all the zeal of an ambitious man worried by a constant diminution of his power." Fest also suggests a psychological motive: "A man who conformed so little to the National Socialist image of the elite&nbsp;... may have had his reason, in the struggles for power at Hitler’s court, for offering keen anti-Semitism as a counterweight to his failure to conform to a type."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 93–94</ref> Whatever his motives, Goebbels took every opportunity to attack the Jews. From 1933 onwards, he was bracketed with Streicher among the regime’s most virulent anti-Semites.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 560</ref> "Some people think," he told a Berlin rally in June 1935, "that we haven’t noticed how the Jews are trying once again to spread themselves over all our streets. The Jews ought to please observe the laws of hospitality and not behave as if they were the same as us."
The propaganda ministry was organised into seven departments: administration and legal; mass rallies, public health, youth, and race; radio; national and foreign press; films and film censorship; art, music, and theatre; and protection against counter-propaganda, both foreign and domestic.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=140–141}} Goebbels's style of leadership was tempestuous and unpredictable. He would suddenly change direction and shift his support between senior associates; he was a difficult boss and liked to berate his staff in public.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=370}} Goebbels was successful at his job, however; ''Life'' wrote in 1938 that "ersonally he likes nobody, is liked by nobody, and runs the most efficient Nazi department."{{sfn|LIFE Magazine|1938}} ] wrote in 1940 that Goebbels "is the cleverest of all the Nazis", but could not succeed Hitler because "everybody hates him".{{sfn|Gunther|1940|p=19}}


The Reich Film Chamber, which all members of the film industry were required to join, was created in June 1933.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=224–225}} Goebbels promoted the development of films with a Nazi slant, and ones that contained subliminal or overt propaganda messages.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=157}} Under the auspices of the '']'' (Reich Chamber of Culture), created in September, Goebbels added additional sub-chambers for the fields of broadcasting, fine arts, literature, music, the press, and the theatre.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=142}} As in the film industry, anyone wishing to pursue a career in these fields had to be a member of the corresponding chamber. In this way anyone whose views were contrary to the regime could be excluded from working in their chosen field and thus silenced.{{sfn|Evans|2005|p=138}} In addition, journalists (now considered employees of the state) were required to prove Aryan descent back to the year 1800, and if married, the same requirement applied to the spouse. Members of any chamber were not allowed to leave the country for their work without prior permission of their chamber. A committee was established to censor books, and works could not be re-published unless they were on the list of approved works. Similar regulations applied to other fine arts and entertainment; even cabaret performances were censored.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=142–143}} Many German artists and intellectuals left Germany in the pre-war years rather than work under these restrictions.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=140}}
The sarcastic "humor" of Goebbels’ speeches did not conceal the reality of his threat to the Jews. In his capacity as ''Gauleiter'' of Berlin, and thus as ''de facto'' ruler of the capital (although there was still officially an ''Oberbürgermeister'' and city council), Goebbels maintained constant pressure on the city’s large Jewish community, forcing them out of business and professional life and placing obstacles in the way of their being able to live normal lives, such as banning them from public transport and city facilities. There was some respite during 1936, while Berlin hosted the ],<ref>For Goebbels’ role in organizing the Olympics, and for the temporary easing of anti-Semitic agitation during the Games, see Guy Walters, ''Berlin Games: How Hitler Stole the Olympic Dream'' (John Murray 2006)</ref> but from 1937 the intensity of his anti-Semitic words and actions began to increase again. "The Jews must get out of Germany, indeed out of Europe altogether," he wrote in his diary in November 1937. "That will take some time, but it must and will happen."<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 575</ref> By mid-1938 Goebbels was investigating the possibility of requiring all Jews to wear an identifying mark and of confining them to a ], but these were ideas whose time had not yet come. "Aim&nbsp;– drive the Jews out of Berlin," he wrote in his diary in June 1938, "and without any sentimentality."<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 576</ref>


]
In November 1938, Goebbels got the chance to take decisive action against the Jews for which he had been waiting when a Jewish youth, ], shot a German diplomat in Paris, ], in revenge for the deportation of his family to Poland and the persecution of German Jews generally.<ref>For Grynszpan, his actions and the motives for them, see Gerald Schwab, ''The Day the Holocaust Began: The Odyssey of Herschel Grynszpan'' (Praeger 1990).</ref> On 9 November, the evening vom Rath died of his wounds, Goebbels was at the Bürgerbräu Keller in Munich with Hitler, celebrating the anniversary of the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch with a large crowd of veteran Nazis. Goebbels told Hitler that "spontaneous" anti-Jewish violence had already broken out in German cities, although in fact this was not true: this was a clear case of Goebbels manipulating Hitler for his own ends. When Hitler said he approved of what was happening, Goebbels took this as authorization to organize a massive, nationwide ] against the Jews. He wrote in his diary:
Goebbels was particularly interested in controlling the radio, which was then still a fairly new ].{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=127}} Sometimes under protest from individual states (particularly ], headed by Göring), Goebbels gained control of radio stations nationwide, and placed them under the '']'' (German National Broadcasting Corporation) in July 1934.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=226}} Manufacturers were urged by Goebbels to produce inexpensive home receivers, called '']'' (people's receiver), and by 1938 nearly ten million sets had been sold. Loudspeakers were placed in public areas, factories, and schools, so that important party broadcasts would be heard live by nearly all Germans.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=127}} On 2 September 1939 (the day after the start of the war), Goebbels and the Council of Ministers proclaimed it illegal to listen to foreign radio stations. Disseminating news from foreign broadcasts could result in the death penalty.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=434}} ], Hitler's architect and later Minister for Armaments and War Production, later said the regime "made the complete use of all technical means for domination of its own country. Through technical devices like the radio and loudspeaker, 80 million people were deprived of independent thought."{{sfn|Snell|1959|p=7}}


]. ] and her crew are visible in front of the podium.]]
<blockquote> decides: demonstrations should be allowed to continue. The police should be withdrawn. For once the Jews should get the feel of popular anger&nbsp;... I immediately gave the necessary instructions to the police and the Party. Then I briefly spoke in that vein to the Party leadership. Stormy applause. All are instantly at the phones. Now people will act.<ref>Martin Gilbert, ''Kristallnacht'' (HarperPress 2006), 29.</ref></blockquote>
A major focus of Nazi propaganda was Hitler himself, who was glorified as a heroic and infallible leader and became the focus of a ].{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=292–293}} Much of this was spontaneous, but some was stage-managed as part of Goebbels' propaganda work.{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=122–123}} Adulation of Hitler was the focus of the 1934 Nuremberg Rally, where his moves were carefully choreographed. The rally was the subject of the film '']'', one of several Nazi propaganda films directed by ]. It won the gold medal at the 1935 ].{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=123–127}} At the 1935 ] at ], Goebbels declared that "Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish-led international subhumans against culture itself."{{sfn|Goebbels|1935}}


Goebbels was involved in planning the staging of the ], held in Berlin. It was around this time that he met and started having an affair with the actress ], whom he continued to see until 1938.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=184, 201}} A major project in 1937 was the ], organised by Goebbels, which ran in Munich from July to November. The exhibition proved wildly popular, attracting over two million visitors.{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=171, 173}} A degenerate music exhibition took place the following year.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=351}} Meanwhile, Goebbels was disappointed by the lack of quality in the National Socialist artwork, films, and literature.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=346, 350}}
It is clear that the idea of a state-sponsored pogrom originated with Goebbels, and that he gained Hitler’s approval for it by falsely telling Hitler that it had already begun. The result of Goebbels’ incitement was '']'', the "Night of Broken Glass," during which the S.A. and Nazi Party went on a rampage of anti-Jewish violence and destruction, killing at least 90 and maybe as many as 200 people (not counting several hundred suicides), destroying over a thousand ]s and hundreds of Jewish businesses and homes, and dragging some 30,000 Jews off to concentration camps, where at least another thousand died before the remainder were released after several months of brutal treatment. The longer-term effect was to drive 80,000 Jews to emigrate, most leaving behind all their property in their desperation to escape. Foreign opinion reacted with horror, bringing to a sudden end the climate of ] of Nazi Germany in the western democracies. Goebbels’ pogrom thus moved Germany significantly closer to war, at a time when rearmament was still far from complete. ] and some other Nazi leaders were furious at Goebbels’ actions, about which they had not been consulted.<ref>Adam Tooze, ''Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy'' (Allen Lane 2006), 278. Göring estimated that Kristallnacht caused 220 million ''Reichsmarks'' of material damage. Himmler, ] and Rosenberg, for different reasons, were also highly critical of Goebbels (Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 149</ref> Goebbels, however, was delighted. "As was to be expected, the entire nation is in uproar," he wrote. "This is one dead man who is costing the Jews dear. Our darling Jews will think twice in future before gunning down German diplomats."<ref>Gilbert, ''Kristallnacht'', 29</ref> In 1942 Goebbels was involved in the deportation of Berlin's Jews.<ref> {Jewish Virtual Library}</ref>


===Church struggle===
== Man of Power ==
{{See also|Nazi persecution of the Catholic Church in Germany}}
These events were well-timed from the point of view of Goebbels’ relations with Hitler. In 1937, he had begun an intense affair with the ] actress ], causing the break-up of her marriage. When Magda Goebbels learned of this affair in October 1938, she complained to Hitler, a conservative in sexual matters who was fond of Magda and the Goebbels' young children. He ordered Goebbels to break off his affair, whereupon Goebbels offered his resignation, which Hitler refused. On 15 October, Goebbels attempted suicide. A furious Hitler then ordered Himmler to remove Baarová from Germany, and she was deported to Czechoslovakia, from where she later left for ]. These events damaged Goebbels’ standing with Hitler, and his zeal in furthering Hitler’s anti-Semitic agenda was in part an effort to restore his reputation.<ref>This account is taken from the Misplaced Pages article on Lída Baarová, which is sourced to her memoirs and other Czech-language sources. The connection between the Baarová affair and Goebbels’ role in inciting Kristallnacht is made by Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', Volume II (W.W. Norton 2000), 145)</ref> The Baarová affair, however, did nothing to dampen Goebbels' enthusiasm for womanizing. As late as 1943, the ] leader ] was ingratiating himself with Goebbels by procuring young women for him.<ref>Kater, ''Hitler Youth'', 58</ref>
In 1933, Hitler signed the '']'' (Reich Concordat), a treaty with the Vatican that required the regime to honour the independence of Catholic institutions and prohibited clergy from involvement in politics.{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=234–235}} However, the regime continued to target the Christian churches to weaken their influence. Throughout 1935 and 1936, hundreds of clergy and nuns were arrested, often on trumped up charges of currency smuggling or sexual offences.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=189}}{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=382}} Goebbels widely publicised the trials in his propaganda campaigns, showing the cases in the worst possible light.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=189}} Restrictions were placed on public meetings, and Catholic publications faced censorship. Catholic schools were required to reduce religious instruction and crucifixes were removed from state buildings.{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=239–240}}{{efn|name=crucifixes}} Hitler often vacillated on whether or not the '']'' (church struggle) should be a priority, but his frequent inflammatory comments on the issue were enough to convince Goebbels to intensify his work on the issue;{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=382}} in February 1937 he stated he wanted to eliminate the ] church.{{sfn|Longerich|2012|p=223}}


In response to the persecution, ] had the ''"]"'' ("With Burning Concern") Encyclical smuggled into Germany for ] 1937 and read from every pulpit. It denounced the systematic hostility of the regime toward the church.{{sfn|Shirer|1960|pp=234–235}}{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=241–243}} In response, Goebbels renewed the regime's crackdown and propaganda against Catholics.{{sfn|Evans|2005|p=244}} His speech of 28 May in Berlin in front of 20,000 party members, which was also broadcast on the radio, attacked the Catholic church as morally corrupt. As a result of the propaganda campaign, enrolment in denominational schools dropped sharply, and by 1939 all such schools were disbanded or converted to public facilities. Harassment and threats of imprisonment led the clergy to be much more cautious in their criticism of the regime.{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=245–247}} Partly out of foreign policy concerns, Hitler ordered a scaling back of the church struggle by the end of July 1937.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=334}}
Goebbels, like all the Nazi leaders, could not afford to defy Hitler’s will in matters of this kind. By 1938, they had all become wealthy men, but their wealth was dependent on Hitler’s continuing goodwill and willingness to turn a blind eye to their corruption. Until the Nazis came to power, Goebbels had been a relatively poor man, and his main income was the salary of 750 Reichsmarks a month he had gained by election to the Reichstag in 1928. By 1936, although he was not nearly as corrupt as some other senior Nazis, such as Göring and ], Goebbels was earning 300,000 ''Reichsmarks'' a year in "fees" for writing in his own newspaper, ''Der Angriff'', as well as his ministerial salary and many other sources of income. These payments were in effect bribes from the papers’ publisher ]. He owned a villa by the lake at ] and another on ] in the south, which he spent 2.2 million ''Reichsmarks'' refurbishing. The tax office, as it did for all the Nazi leaders, gave him generous exemptions.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 405</ref> Hitler apparently connived at the corruption of his lieutenants because of the power it gave him over them. {{Fact|date=June 2009}}


===Antisemitism and the Holocaust===
Whatever the loss of real power suffered by Goebbels during the middle years of the Nazi regime, he remained one of Hitler’s intimates. Since his offices were close to the Chancellery, he was a frequent guest for lunch, during which he became adept at listening to Hitler’s monologues and agreeing with his opinions. In the months leading up to the war, his influence began to increase again. He ranked along with ], Göring, Himmler, and ] as the senior Nazi with the most access to Hitler, which in an autocratic regime meant access to power. The fact that Hitler was fond of Magda Goebbels and the children also gave Goebbels entrée to Hitler’s inner circle. The Goebbelses were regular visitors to Hitler’s Bavarian mountain retreat, the '']''. But he was not kept directly informed of military and diplomatic developments, relying on second-hand accounts to hear what Hitler was doing.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 227</ref>
]'' ]]
Goebbels was antisemitic from a young age.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=24–25}} After joining the Nazi Party and meeting Hitler, his antisemitism grew and became more radical. He began to see the Jews as a destructive force with a negative impact on German society.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=39–40}} In 1930, he criticised Italian Fascist dictator ] for his relative lack of hostility towards Jews, stating that "Mussolini appears to have not recognized the ]."{{sfn|Bernhard|2019}} After the Nazis seized control, he repeatedly urged Hitler to take action against the Jews.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=145}} Despite his extreme antisemitism, Goebbels spoke of the "rubbish of race-materialism" and of the unnecessity of ] for the Nazi ideology.{{sfn|Michael|2006|p=177}} He also described Himmler's ideology as "in many regards, mad" and thought ]'s ] were ridiculous.{{sfn|Michael|2006|p=177}}


The Nazi Party's goal was to remove Jews from German cultural and economic life, and eventually to remove them from the country altogether.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=454–455}} In addition to his propaganda efforts, Goebbels actively promoted the persecution of the Jews through ]s, legislation, and other actions.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=156}} Discriminatory measures he instituted in Berlin in the early years of the regime included bans against their using public transport and requiring that Jewish shops be marked as such.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=454}}
== Goebbels at war ==
In the years 1936 to 1939, Hitler, while professing his desire for peace, led Germany firmly and deliberately towards a confrontation.<ref>For the most recent demonstration that Hitler fully intended leading Germany into war and that the whole policy of the regime was directed to this end, see Tooze, Wages of Destruction, particularly 206–29 and 247–60</ref> Goebbels was one of the most enthusiastic proponents of aggressively pursuing Germany's territorial claims sooner rather than later, along with Himmler and Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 226. At the time of the ] in 1936, Goebbels summed up his general attitude in his diary: "Now is the time for action. Fortune favors the brave! He who dares nothing wins nothing." (Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 586)</ref> He saw it as his job to make the German people accept this and if possible welcome it. At the time of the ] in 1938, Goebbels was well aware that the great majority of Germans did not want a war, and used every propaganda resource at his disposal to overcome what he called this "war psychosis," by whipping up sympathy for the ] and hatred of the Czechs.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 674</ref>
After the western powers conceded to Hitler's demands concerning Czechoslovakia in 1938, Goebbels soon redirected his propaganda machine against ]. From May onwards, he orchestrated a "hate campaign" against Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in ] and other cities. Even so, he was unable to persuade the majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 696</ref>


In November 1938, the German diplomat ] was killed in Paris by the young Jewish man ]. In response, Goebbels arranged for inflammatory antisemitic material to be released by the press, and the result was the start of a pogrom. Jews were attacked and synagogues destroyed all over Germany. The situation was further inflamed by a speech Goebbels gave at a party meeting on the night of 8 November, where he obliquely called for party members to incite further violence against Jews while making it appear to be a spontaneous series of acts by the German people. At least a hundred Jews were killed, several hundred synagogues were damaged or destroyed, and thousands of Jewish shops were vandalised in an event called '']'' (Night of Broken Glass). Around 30,000 Jewish men were sent to concentration camps.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=455–459}} The destruction stopped after a conference held on 12 November, where Göring pointed out that the destruction of Jewish property was in effect the destruction of German property since the intention was that it would all eventually be confiscated.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=400–401}}
Once war began in September 1939, Goebbels began a steady process of extending his influence over domestic policy. After 1940, Hitler made few public appearances, and even his broadcasts became less frequent, so Goebbels increasingly became the face and the voice of the Nazi regime for the German people.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 565</ref> With Hitler preoccupied with the war, Himmler focusing on the "final solution to the Jewish question" in eastern Europe, and with ]’s position declining with the failure of the German Air Force ('']''), Goebbels sensed a power vacuum in domestic policy and moved to fill it. Since civilian morale was his responsibility, he increasingly concerned himself with matters such as wages, rationing and housing, which affected morale and therefore productivity. He came to see the lethargic and demoralized Göring, still Germany’s economic supremo as head of the Four Year Plan Ministry, as his main enemy. To undermine Göring, he forged an alliance with Himmler, although the SS chief remained wary of him. A more useful ally was ], a Hitler favorite who was appointed Armaments Minister in February 1942. Goebbels and Speer worked through 1942 to persuade Hitler to dismiss Göring and allow the domestic economy to be run by a revived Cabinet headed by themselves.


Goebbels continued his intensive antisemitic propaganda campaign that culminated in Hitler's ], which Goebbels helped to write:{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=205}}
However, in February 1943, the crushing German defeat at the ] produced a crisis in the regime. Goebbels was forced to ally himself with Göring to thwart a bid for power by Bormann, head of the Nazi Party Chancellery and Secretary to the ''Führer''. Bormann exploited the disaster at Stalingrad, and his daily access to Hitler, to persuade him to create a three-man ''junta'' representing the State, the Army, and the Party, represented respectively by ], head of the ''Reich'' Chancellery, Field Marshal ], chief of the ] (armed forces high command), and Bormann, who controlled the Party and access to the ''Führer''. This Committee of Three would exercise dictatorial powers over the home front. Goebbels, Speer, Göring and Himmler all saw this proposal as a power grab by Bormann and a threat to their power, and combined to block it.
]


{{blockquote|If international finance Jewry in and outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevization of the earth and thereby the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe!{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=469}} }}
However, their alliance was shaky at best. This was mainly due to the fact that during this period Himmler was still cooperating with Bormann to gain more power at the expense of Göring and most of the traditional ''Reich'' administration; Göring's loss of power had resulted in an overindulgence in the trappings of power and his strained relations with Goebbels made it difficult for a unified coalition to be formed, despite the attempts of Speer and Göring's ''Luftwaffe'' deputy Field Marshal ], to reconcile the two Party comrades.


While Goebbels had been pressing for expulsion of the Berlin Jews since 1935, there were still 62,000 living in the city in 1940. Part of the delay in their deportation was that they were needed as workers in the armaments industry.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=464–466}} Deportations of German Jews began in October 1941, with the first transport from Berlin leaving on 18 October. Some Jews were shot immediately on arrival in destinations such as ] and ].{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=236}} In preparation for the deportations, Goebbels ordered that all German Jews wear an identifying ] as of 5 September 1941.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=235}} On 6 March 1942, Goebbels received a copy of the minutes of the ],{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=513}} which indicated indirectly that the Jewish population of Europe was to be sent to ]s in occupied areas of Poland and killed.{{sfn|Longerich|2010|pp=309–310}} His diary entries of the period show that he was well aware of the fate of the Jews. "In general, it can probably be established that 60 per cent of them will have to be liquidated, while only 40 per cent can be put to work.&nbsp;... A judgment is being carried out on the Jews which is barbaric but thoroughly deserved," he wrote on 27 March 1942.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=514}}
Goebbels instead tried to persuade Hitler to appoint Göring as head of the government. His proposal had a certain logic, as Göring&nbsp;– despite the failures of the ''Luftwaffe'' and his own corruption&nbsp;– was still very popular among the German people, whose morale was waning since Hitler barely appeared in public since the defeat at ]. However, this proposal was increasingly unworkable given Göring’s increasing incapacity and, more importantly, Hitler’s increasing contempt for him due to his blaming of Göring for Germany's defeats. This was a measure by Hitler designed to deflect criticism from himself.


Goebbels had frequent discussions with Hitler about the fate of the Jews, a subject they discussed almost every time they met.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=328}} He was aware throughout that the Jews were being exterminated, and completely supported this decision. He was one of the few top Nazi officials to do so publicly.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=326–329}}
The result was that nothing was done&nbsp;– the Committee of Three declined into irrelevance due to the loss of power by Keitel and Lammers and the ascension of Bormann and the situation continued to drift, with administrative chaos increasingly undermining the war effort. The ultimate responsibility for this lay with Hitler, as Goebbels well knew, referring in his diary to a "crisis of leadership," but Goebbels was too much under Hitler’s spell ever to challenge his power.<ref>The story of the Committee of Three is given by Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 569–577.</ref>


==World War II==
]
As early as February 1933, Hitler announced that rearmament must be undertaken, albeit clandestinely at first, as to do so was in violation of the Versailles Treaty. A year later he told his military leaders that 1942 was the target date for going to war in the east.{{sfn|Evans|2005|pp=338–339}} Goebbels was one of the most enthusiastic supporters of Hitler aggressively pursuing Germany's expansionist policies sooner rather than later. At the time of the ] in 1936, Goebbels summed up his general attitude in his diary: "ow is the time for action. Fortune favors the brave! He who dares nothing wins nothing."{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=352, 353}} In the lead-up to the ] in 1938, Goebbels took the initiative time and again to use propaganda to whip up sympathy for the ] while campaigning against the Czech government.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=380–382}} Still, Goebbels was well aware there was a growing "war panic" in Germany and so by July had the press conduct propaganda efforts at a lower level of intensity.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=381, 382}} After the Western powers acceded to Hitler's demands concerning Czechoslovakia in 1938, Goebbels soon redirected his propaganda machine against Poland. From May onwards, he orchestrated a campaign against Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in ] and other cities. Even so, he was unable to persuade the majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war.{{sfn|Evans|2005|p=696}} He privately held doubts about the wisdom of risking a protracted war against Britain and France by attacking Poland.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=212}}


After the ] in September 1939, Goebbels used his propaganda ministry and the Reich chambers to control ] domestically. To his chagrin, his rival ], the ], continually challenged Goebbels' jurisdiction over the dissemination of international propaganda. Hitler declined to make a firm ruling on the subject, so the two men remained rivals for the remainder of the Nazi era.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=155, 180}} Goebbels did not participate in the military decision-making process, nor was he made privy to diplomatic negotiations until after the fact.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=422, 456–457}}
Goebbels launched a new offensive to place himself at the center of policy-making. On 18 February, he delivered a passionate "]" at the ] in Berlin. Goebbels demanded from his audience a commitment to "total war," the complete mobilization of the German economy and German society for the war effort. To motivate the German people to continue the struggle, he cited three theses as the basis of this argument:


] at the front lines, January 1941]]
#If the German Armed Forces ('']'') were not in a position to break the danger from the ], then ] would fall to ], and all of Europe would fall shortly afterward;
#The German Armed Forces, the ], and the ] alone had the strength to save Europe from this threat;
#Danger was a motivating force. Germany had to act quickly and decisively, or it would be too late.


The Propaganda Ministry took over the broadcasting facilities of conquered countries immediately after surrender, and began broadcasting prepared material using the existing announcers as a way to gain the trust of the citizens.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=185–186}} Most aspects of the media, both domestically and in the conquered countries, were controlled by Goebbels and his department.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=693}}{{efn|name=other departments}} The German Home Service, the Armed Forces Programme, and the German European Service were all rigorously controlled in everything from the information they were permitted to disseminate to the music they were allowed to play.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=188}} Party rallies, speeches, and demonstrations continued; speeches were broadcast on the radio and short propaganda films were exhibited using 1,500 mobile film vans.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=181}} Hitler made fewer public appearances and broadcasts as the war progressed, so Goebbels increasingly became the voice of the Nazi regime for the German people.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=188}} From May 1940 he wrote frequent editorials that were published in '']'' which were later read aloud over the radio.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=470}} He found films to be his most effective propaganda medium, after radio.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=190}} At his insistence, initially half the films made in wartime Germany were propaganda films (particularly on antisemitism) and war propaganda films (recounting both historical wars and current exploits of the ]).{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=468–469}}
Goebbels concluded that "Two thousand years of Western history are in danger," and he blamed Germany's failures on the Jews.


Goebbels became preoccupied with morale and the efforts of the people on the home front. He believed that the more the people at home were involved in the war effort, the better their morale would be.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=509}} For example, he initiated a programme for the collection of winter clothing and ski equipment for troops on the eastern front.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=509}} At the same time, Goebbels implemented changes to have more "entertaining material" in radio and film produced for the public, decreeing in late 1942 that 20 per cent of the films should be propaganda and 80 per cent light entertainment.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=510, 512}} As ''Gauleiter'' of Berlin, Goebbels dealt with increasingly serious shortages of necessities such as food and clothing, as well as the need to ration beer and tobacco, which were important for morale. Hitler suggested watering the beer and degrading the quality of the cigarettes so that more could be produced, but Goebbels refused, saying the cigarettes were already of such low quality that it was impossible to make them any worse.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=235–236}} Through his propaganda campaigns, he worked hard to maintain an appropriate level of morale among the public about the military situation, neither too optimistic nor too grim.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=502–504}} The series of military setbacks the Germans suffered in this period – the ] on Cologne (May 1942), the Allied victory at the ] (November 1942), and especially the catastrophic defeat at the ] (February 1943) – were difficult matters to present to the German public, who were increasingly weary of the war and sceptical that it could be won.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=246–251}} On 16 November 1942 Goebbels, like all ''Gauleiters'', was appointed the ] for his ''Gau''. This enabled him to issue direct instructions to authorities within his jurisdiction in matters concerning the civilian war effort.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=547}} On 15 January 1943, Hitler appointed Goebbels as head of the newly created Air Raid Damage committee, which meant Goebbels was nominally in charge of nationwide civil air defences and shelters as well as the assessment and repair of damaged buildings.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=567}} In actuality, the defence of areas other than Berlin remained in the hands of the local ''Gauleiters'', and his main tasks were limited to providing immediate aid to the affected civilians and using propaganda to improve their morale.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=615}}{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=269–270}}
Goebbels hoped in this way to persuade Hitler to give him and his ally Speer control of domestic policy for a program of total commitment to arms production and full labor conscription, including women. But Hitler, supported by Göring, resisted these demands, which he feared would weaken civilian morale and lead to a repetition of the debacle of 1918, when the German army had been undermined (in Hitler's view) by a collapse of the home front. Nor was Hitler willing to allow Goebbels or anyone else to usurp his own power as the ultimate source of all decisions. Goebbels privately lamented "a complete lack of direction in German domestic policy," but of course he could not directly criticize Hitler or go against his wishes.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 561–563</ref>


By early 1943, the war produced a labour crisis for the regime. Hitler created a three-man committee with representatives of the State, the army, and the party in an attempt to centralise control of the war economy. The committee members were ] (head of the Reich Chancellery), Field Marshal ], chief of the '']'' (Armed Forces High Command; OKW), and ], who controlled the party. The committee was intended to independently propose measures regardless of the wishes of various ministries, with Hitler reserving most final decisions to himself. The committee, soon known as the ''Dreierausschuß'' (Committee of Three), met eleven times between January and August 1943. However, they ran up against resistance from Hitler's cabinet ministers, who headed deeply entrenched spheres of influence and were excluded from the committee. Seeing it as a threat to their power, Goebbels, Göring, and Speer worked together to bring it down. The result was that nothing changed, and the Committee of Three declined into irrelevance by September 1943.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=749–753}}
== Goebbels and the Holocaust ==
{{The Holocaust}}
], one of the architects of the Holocaust, preferred that the matter not be discussed in public. Despite this, in an editorial in his newspaper ''Das Reich'' in November 1941 Goebbels quoted Hitler’s 1939 "prophecy" that the Jews would be the loser in the coming world war.<ref>Goebbels founded ''Das Reich'' in 1940 as a "quality" newspaper in which he could set out his own views for an elite readership. By 1941, it had over a million readers.</ref> Now, he said, Hitler’s prophecy was coming true: "Jewry," he said, "is now suffering the gradual process of annihilation which it intended for us&nbsp;... It now perishes according to its own precept of ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth’!"<ref>Christopher R. Browing, ''The Origins of the Final Solution'' (University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 391.</ref>


], 18 February 1943. The banner says ''"TOTALER KRIEG – KÜRZESTER KRIEG"'' ("Total War – Shortest War").]]
In 1939, in a speech to the ''Reichstag'', Hitler had said:


Partly in response to being excluded from the Committee of Three, Goebbels pressured Hitler to introduce measures that would produce "]", including closing businesses not essential to the war effort, conscripting women into the labour force, and enlisting men in previously exempt occupations into the Wehrmacht.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=549–550}} Some of these measures were implemented in an edict of 13 January, but to Goebbels' dismay, Göring demanded that his favourite restaurants in Berlin should remain open, and Lammers successfully lobbied Hitler to have women with children exempted from conscription, even if they had child care available.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=553–554}} After receiving an enthusiastic response to his speech of 30 January 1943 on the topic, Goebbels believed he had the support of the German people in his call for total war.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=555}} His next speech, the ] of 18 February 1943, was a passionate demand for his audience to commit to total war, which he presented as the only way to stop the ] onslaught and save the German people from destruction. The speech also had a strong antisemitic element and hinted at the extermination of the Jewish people that was already underway.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=255}} The speech was presented live on radio and was filmed as well.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=256}} During the live version of the speech, Goebbels accidentally begins to mention the "extermination" of the Jews; this is omitted in the published text of the speech.{{sfn|Goebbels|1944}}
<blockquote>If international finance Jewry in and outside Europe should succeed in thrusting the nations once again into a world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevisation of the earth and with it the victory of Jewry, but the destruction of the Jewish race in Europe.<ref>quoted in Richard Breitman, ''The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution'' (Pimlico 2004), 63)</ref></blockquote>


Goebbels' efforts had little impact for the time being, because Hitler, who in principle was in favour of total war, was not prepared to implement changes over the objections of his ministers.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=577}} The discovery around this time of a mass grave of Polish officers that had been killed by the Red Army in the 1940 ] was made use of by Goebbels in his propaganda in an attempt to drive a wedge between the Soviets and the other Western Allies.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=256–257}}
The view of most historians is that the decision to proceed with the extermination of the Jews was taken at some point in late 1941, and Goebbels’ comments make it clear that he knew in general terms, if not in detail, what was planned.<ref>Browning, ''The Origins of the Final Solution'', 371, says the decision was made in September. Others have argued for a date as late as mid December. (Christian Gerlach, "The Wannsee Conference, the Fate of German Jews, and Hitler's Decision in Principle to Exterminate All European Jews," ''Journal of Modern History'', December 1998, 759–812).</ref>


===Plenipotentiary for total war===
The decision in principle to deport the German and ]n Jews to unspecified destinations "in the east" was made in September. Goebbels immediately pressed for the Berlin Jews to be deported first. He traveled to Hitler’s headquarters on the eastern front, meeting both Hitler and ] to lobby for his demands. He got the assurances he wanted: "The ''Führer'' is of the opinion," he wrote, "that the Jews eventually have to be removed from the whole of Germany. The first cities to be made Jew-free are Berlin, ] and ]. Berlin is first in the queue, and I have the hope that we’ll succeed in the course of this year."<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 482</ref>
] (to Goebbels' left) observe rocket tests at ], August 1943.]]


] Willi Hübner the ] for the defence of ] (now Lubań in Poland).]]
Deportations of Berlin Jews to the ] began in October, but transport and other difficulties made the process much slower than Goebbels desired. His November article in ''Das Reich'' was part of his campaign to have the pace of deportation accelerated.


After the ] (July 1943) and the strategic Soviet victory in the ] (July–August 1943), Goebbels began to recognise that the war could no longer be won.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=594}} Following the Allied invasion of Italy and the fall of Mussolini in September, he raised with Hitler the possibility of a separate peace, either with the Soviets or with Britain. Hitler rejected both of these proposals.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=607, 609}}
In December, he was present when Hitler addressed ], discussing among other things the "Jewish question." He wrote in his diary afterward:


As Germany's military and economic situation grew steadily worse, on 25 August 1943 '']'' ] took over the post of interior minister, replacing ].{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=611}} Intensive air raids on Berlin and other cities took the lives of thousands of people.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|pp=268–270}} In December 1943, Hitler asked Goebbels to take on the job of ''Stadtpräsident'' (City President) of Berlin, and Goebbels agreed to this as a means of obtaining more direct control over the municipal authorities, though Hitler delayed the formal appointment for several months.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=622–623}} Goebbels took over direct administrative control of the city when he was formally named ''Stadtpräsident'' on 7 April 1944, thus uniting under his control the city's most powerful party and governmental offices.{{sfn|New York Times, 8 April 1944}} As air raids on Berlin continued, Göring's ] attempted to retaliate with air raids on London in early 1944, but they no longer had sufficient aircraft to make much of an impact.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=627–628}} While Goebbels' propaganda in this period indicated that a huge retaliation was in the offing, the ]s, launched on British targets beginning in mid-June 1944, had little effect, with only around 20 per cent reaching their intended targets.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=634}} To boost morale, Goebbels continued to publish propaganda to the effect that further improvements to these weapons would have a decisive impact on the outcome of the war.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=637}} Meanwhile, in the ] of 6 June 1944, the Allies successfully gained a foothold in France.{{sfn|Evans|2008|pp=623–624}}
<blockquote>With regard to the Jewish Question, the ''Führer'' is determined to make a clean sweep of it. He prophesied that, if they brought about another world war, they would experience their annihilation. That was no empty talk. The world war is here . The annihilation of Jewry must be the necessary consequence. The question is to be viewed without any sentimentality. We’re not there to have sympathy with the Jews, but only sympathy with our own German people. If the German people has again now sacrificed around 160,000 dead in the eastern campaign, the originators of this bloody conflict will have to pay for it with their lives.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 490</ref></blockquote>


Throughout July 1944, Goebbels and Speer continued to press Hitler to bring the economy to a total war footing.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=637–639}} The ], where Hitler was almost killed by a bomb at his field headquarters in ], played into the hands of those who had been pushing for change: Bormann, Goebbels, Himmler, and Speer. Over the objections of Göring, Goebbels was appointed on 23 July as ], charged with maximising the manpower for the Wehrmacht and the armaments industry at the expense of sectors of the economy not critical to the war effort.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=643}} Through these efforts, he was able to free up an additional half a million men for military service.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=282}} However, as many of these new recruits came from the armaments industry, the move put him in conflict with armaments minister Speer.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=651}} Untrained workers from elsewhere were not readily absorbed into the armaments industry, and likewise, the new Wehrmacht recruits waited in barracks for their turn to be trained.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=660}}
During 1942, Goebbels continued to press for the "final solution to the Jewish question" to be carried forward as quickly as possible now that Germany had occupied a huge swathe of Soviet territory into which all the Jews of German-controlled Europe could be deported. There they could be worked into extinction in accordance with the plan agreed on at the ] convened by Heydrich in January. It was a constant annoyance to Goebbels that, at a time when Germany was fighting for its life on the eastern front, there were still 40,000 Jews in Berlin.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 519</ref> They should be "carted off to Russia," he wrote in his diary. "It would be best to kill them altogether."<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 473</ref> Once again, there is no doubt that Goebbels knew what would happen to the Jews who were to be "carted off." Although the Propaganda Ministry was not invited to the Wannsee Conference, Goebbels knew by March what had been decided there.<ref> Browning, ''The Origins of the Final Solution'', 415</ref> He wrote:


Hitler ordered a nationwide militia of men previously considered unsuitable for military service — the '']'' (People's Storm) — to be formed on 25 September 1944; it was launched on 18 October.{{sfn|Evans|2008|p=675}} In his capacity as ''Gauleiter'' and ], Goebbels was named ''Führer des Deutschen Volkssturms im Gau Groß-Berlin'' on 25 September 1944, and he administered the oath of allegiance to the assembled Berlin ''Volkssturm'' troops on 12 November.{{sfn|Miller|Schulz|2012|p=334}} Goebbels recorded in his diary that 100,000 recruits were sworn in from his ''Gau'' alone. However, the men, mostly age 45 to 60, received only rudimentary training and many were not properly armed. Goebbels' notion that these men could effectively serve on the front lines against Soviet tanks and artillery was unrealistic at best. The programme was deeply unpopular.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=284}}{{sfn|Evans|2008|p=676}}
<blockquote>The Jews are now being deported to the east. A fairly barbaric procedure, not to be described in any greater detail, is being used here, and not much more remains of the Jews themselves. In general, it can probably be established that 60 percent of them must be liquidated, while only 40 percent can be put to work A judgment is being carried out on the Jews which is barbaric, but fully deserved.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 494</ref></blockquote>


Goebbels realised that his influence would diminish in wartime. He suffered a series of setbacks as propaganda became less important compared to warfare, the war economy, and the Allied bombing of German cities. Historian ] states that from 1942 onward, Goebbels, "lost control over Nazi policy toward the press and over the handling of news in general."{{sfn|Balfour|1979|p=109}} Rival agencies expanded. The foreign ministry took charge of propaganda outside Germany. The military set up its own propaganda division, providing daily reports on the progress of the war and the conditions of the armed forces. The Nazi Party also generated and distributed its own propaganda during the war. Goebbels was still influential when he had the opportunity to meet with Hitler, who became less available as he moved his headquarters closer to the military front lines. They were together perhaps one day a month. Furthermore, Hitler rarely gave speeches or rallies of the sort that had dominated propaganda in the 1930s. After Hitler returned to Berlin in 1945, Goebbels' ministry was destroyed by an Allied air raid on 13 March, and Goebbels had great difficulty disseminating propaganda. In April 1945, he finally bested the rival agencies and took full charge of propaganda, but by then the Soviet Red Army had already entered Berlin. Goebbels was an astute observer of the war, and historians have exhaustively mined his diary for insights on how the Nazi leadership tried to maintain public morale.{{sfn|Balfour|1979|pp=103–110}}{{sfn|Reuth|1994|pp=251, 282, 287, 291, 295, 297, 349–351}}{{sfn|Carsten|1989|pp=751–756}}
== Plenipotentiary for Total War ==
]


===Defeat and death===
For Goebbels, 1943 and 1944 were years of struggle to rally the German people behind a regime which was facing increasingly obvious military defeat. The German people’s faith in Hitler was shaken by the disaster at Stalingrad, and never fully recovered.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 551, 598</ref> During 1943, as the ] armies advanced towards the borders of the ''Reich'', the western ] developed the ability to launch devastating air raids on most German cities, including Berlin. At the same time, there were increasingly critical shortages of food, raw materials, fuel and housing. Goebbels and Speer were among the few Nazi leaders who were under no illusions about Germany’s dire situation. Their solution was to seize control of the home front from the indecisive Hitler and the incompetent Göring. This was the agenda of Goebbels’s ] of February 1943. But they were thwarted by their inability to challenge Hitler, who could neither make decisions himself nor trust anyone else to do so.
In the last months of the war, Goebbels' speeches and articles took on an increasingly apocalyptic tone.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=292}} By the beginning of 1945, with the Soviets on the ] River and the Western Allies preparing to cross the ] River, he could no longer disguise the inevitability of German defeat.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=892, 893, 897}} Berlin had little in the way of fortifications or artillery, and even '']'' units were in short supply, as almost everything and everyone had been sent to the front.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=290}} Goebbels noted in his diary on 21 January that millions of Germans were fleeing westward.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=288}} He tentatively discussed with Hitler the issue of making peace overtures to the Western Allies, but Hitler again refused. Privately, Goebbels was conflicted at pushing the case with Hitler since he did not want to lose Hitler's confidence.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=897, 898}}


When other Nazi leaders urged Hitler to leave Berlin and establish a new centre of resistance in the ] in Bavaria, Goebbels opposed this, arguing for a heroic last stand in Berlin.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=924, 925, 929, 930}} His family (except for Magda's son Harald, who had served in the Luftwaffe and been captured by the Allies) moved into their house in Berlin to await the end.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=290}} He and Magda may have discussed suicide and the fate of their young children in a long meeting on the night of 27 January.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=289}} He knew how the outside world would view the criminal acts committed by the regime and had no desire to subject himself to the "debacle" of a trial.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=291}} He burned his private papers on the night of 18 April.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=295}}
After Stalingrad, Hitler increasingly withdrew from public view, almost never appearing in public and rarely even broadcasting. By July, Goebbels was lamenting that Hitler had cut himself off from the people&nbsp;– it was noted, for example, that he never visited the bomb-ravaged cities of the ]. "One can’t neglect the people too long," he wrote. "They are the heart of our war effort."<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 566</ref> Goebbels himself became the public voice of the Nazi regime, both in his regular broadcasts and his weekly editorials in ''Das Reich''. As Joachim Fest notes, Goebbels seemed to take a grim pleasure in the destruction of Germany’s cities by the Allied bombing offensive: "It was, as one of his colleagues confirmed, almost a happy day for him when famous buildings were destroyed, because at such time he put into his speeches that ecstatic hatred which aroused the fanaticism of the tiring workers and spurred them to fresh efforts."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 95</ref>


Goebbels knew how to play on Hitler's fantasies, encouraging him to see the hand of providence in the death of United States President ] on 12 April.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=918}} Whether Hitler really saw this event as a turning point as Goebbels proclaimed is not known.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=918, 919}} By this time, Goebbels had gained the position he had wanted so long—at Hitler's side. Göring was utterly discredited, although he was not stripped of his offices until 23 April.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=913, 933}} Himmler, whose appointment as commander of ] had led to disaster on the Oder, was also in disgrace with Hitler.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=891, 913–914}} Most of Hitler's inner circle, including Göring, Himmler, Ribbentrop, and Speer, prepared to leave Berlin immediately after Hitler's birthday celebration on 20 April.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=296}} Even Bormann was "not anxious" to meet his end at Hitler's side.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=932}} On 22 April, Hitler announced that he would stay in Berlin until the end and then shoot himself.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=929}} Goebbels moved with his family into the '']'', connected to the lower '']'' under the Reich Chancellery garden in central Berlin, that same day.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=298}} He told Vice-Admiral ] that he would not entertain the idea of either surrender or escape.{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|p=154}} On 23 April, Goebbels made the following proclamation to the people of Berlin:
In public, Goebbels remained confident of German victory: "We live at the most critical period in the history of the Occident," he wrote in ''Das Reich'' in February 1943. "Any weakening of the spiritual and military defensive strength of our continent in its struggle with eastern Bolshevism brings with it the danger of a rapidly nearing decline in its will to resist&nbsp;... Our soldiers in the East will do their part. They will stop the storm from the steppes, and ultimately break it. They fight under unimaginable conditions. But they are fighting a good fight. They are fighting not only for our own security, but also for Europe's future."<ref>"", ''Das Reich'', 28 February 1943</ref>


{{blockquote|I call on you to fight for your city. Fight with everything you have got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held dear, and all the generations that will come after us. Be proud and courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your ''Gauleiter'' is amongst you. He and his colleagues will remain in your midst. His wife and children are here as well. He, who once captured the city with 200 men, will now use every means to galvanize the defence of the capital. The battle for Berlin must become the signal for the whole nation to rise up in battle.{{sfn|Dollinger|1967|p=231}} }}
In private, he was discouraged by the failure of his and Speer’s campaign to gain control of the home front.


After midnight on 29 April, with the Soviets advancing ever closer to the bunker complex, Hitler married ] in a small civil ceremony in the ''Führerbunker''.{{sfn|Beevor|2002|pp=342, 343}}{{efn|name=will and marriage}} Afterward, he hosted a modest wedding breakfast.{{sfn|Beevor|2002|p=343}} Hitler then took secretary ] to another room and dictated his ].{{sfn|Beevor|2002|pp=343, 344}}{{efn|name=will and marriage}} Goebbels and Bormann were two of the witnesses.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=950}}
Goebbels remained preoccupied with the annihilation of the Jews, which was now reaching its climax in the extermination camps of eastern ]. As in 1942, he was more outspoken about what was happening than Himmler would have liked: "Our state’s security requires that we take whatever measures seem necessary to protect the German community from threat," he wrote in May. "That leads to some difficult decisions, but they are unavoidable if we are to deal with the threat… None of the ''Führer''{{'}}s prophetic words has come so inevitably true as his prediction that if Jewry succeeded in provoking a second world war, the result would be not the destruction of the ] race, but rather the wiping out of the Jewish race. This process is of vast importance."<ref>"," ''Das Reich'', 9 May 1943</ref>


In his last will and testament, Hitler named no successor as Führer or leader of the Nazi Party. Instead, he appointed Goebbels as Reich Chancellor; Grand Admiral ], who was at ] near the Danish border, as Reich President; and Bormann as Party Minister.{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|pp=949, 950}} Goebbels wrote a postscript to the will stating that he would "categorically refuse" to obey Hitler's order to leave Berlin—as he put it, "the first time in my life" that he had not complied with Hitler's orders.{{sfn|Shirer|1960|p=1128}} He felt compelled to remain with Hitler "for reasons of humanity and personal loyalty".{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=686}} His wife and children would stay as well. They would end their lives "side by side with the Führer".{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=686}}
Following the Allied invasion of Italy and the fall of ] in September, he and ] raised with Hitler the possibility of secretly approaching ] and negotiating a separate peace behind the backs of the western Allies. Hitler, surprisingly, did not reject the idea of a separate peace with either side, but he told Goebbels that he should not negotiate from a position of weakness. A great German victory must occur before any negotiations should be undertaken, he reasoned.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 601</ref> The German defeat at ] in July had, however, ended any possibility of this. Goebbels knew by this stage that the war was lost. {{Fact|date=November 2008}}


In the mid-afternoon of 30 April, ].{{sfn|Kershaw|2008|p=955}} Goebbels was depressed, and said he would walk around the Chancellery garden until he was killed by the Russian shelling.{{sfn|Misch|2014|p=173}} Voss later recounted Goebbels as saying: "It is a great pity that such a man is not with us any longer. But there is nothing to be done. For us, everything is lost now and the only way out left for us is the one Hitler chose. I shall follow his example."{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|p=157}}
As Germany’s military and economic situation grew steadily worse during 1944, Goebbels renewed his push, in alliance with Speer, to wrest control of the home front away from Göring. In July, following the Allied landings in France and the huge Soviet advances in ], Hitler finally agreed to grant both of them increased powers. Speer took control of all economic and production matters away from Göring, and Goebbels took the title ''Reich'' ] for Total War (''Reichsbevollmächtigter für den totalen Kriegseinsatz an der Heimatfront''). At the same time, Himmler took over the Interior Ministry.


On 1 May, Goebbels carried out his sole official act as Chancellor: he dictated a letter to General ] and ordered German General ] to deliver it under a ]. Chuikov, as commander of the ], commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin. Goebbels' letter informed Chuikov of Hitler's death and requested a ceasefire. After this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|p=324}}
This trio&nbsp;– Goebbels, Himmler and Speer&nbsp;– became the real center of German government in the last year of the war, although Bormann used his privileged access to Hitler to thwart them when he could. In this Bormann was very successful, as the Party Gauleiter gained more and more powers, becoming Reich Defense Commissars (''Reichsverteidigungskommissare'') in their respective districts and overseeing all civilian administration. The fact that Himmler was Interior Minister only increased the power of Bormann, as the ''Gauleiters'' feared that Himmler, who was General Plenipotentiary for the Administration of the ''Reich'', would curb their power and set up his higher SS and police leaders as their replacement.


]]]
Goebbels saw Himmler as a potential ally against Bormann and in 1944 is supposed to have voiced the opinion that if the ] was granted control over the '']'' and he, Goebbels, granted control over the domestic politics, the war would soon be ended in a victorious manner. However, the inability of Himmler to persuade Hitler to cease his support of Bormann, the defection of SS generals such as '']'' ], the Chief of the '']'' and his powerful subordinate '']'' ], the head of the ''Gestapo'', to Bormann, soon persuaded Goebbels to align himself with the Secretary to the ''Führer'' at the end of 1944, thus accepting his subordinate position.


Later on 1 May, Voss saw Goebbels for the last time: "While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join us. But he replied: 'The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to go because with little children I will not be able to make it, especially with a leg like mine'."{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|p=156}} On the evening of 1 May, Goebbels arranged for an SS dentist, ], to inject ] with ] so that when they were unconscious, an ampule of ] could be then crushed in each of their mouths.{{sfn|Beevor|2002|pp=380, 381}} According to Kunz's later testimony, he gave the children morphine injections but Magda Goebbels and SS-'']'' ], Hitler's personal doctor, administered the cyanide.{{sfn|Beevor|2002|pp=380, 381}}
When elements of the army leadership tried to assassinate Hitler in the ] shortly thereafter, it was this trio that rallied the resistance to the plotters. It was Goebbels, besieged in his Berlin apartment with Speer and secretary ] beside him but with his phone lines intact, who brought ], the wavering commander of the Berlin garrison, to the phone to speak to Hitler in East Prussia, thus demonstrating that the ''Führer'' was alive and that the garrison should oppose the attempted coup.<ref>Joachim Fest, ''Plotting Hitler’s Death: The German Resistance to Hitler 1933–1945'' (Weidenfeld and Nicolson 1996), 271</ref>


At around 20:30, Goebbels and Magda left the bunker and walked up to the garden of the Chancellery, where they killed themselves.{{sfn|Joachimsthaler|1999|p=52}} There are several different accounts of this event. One is that they each bit on a cyanide ampule near where Hitler had been buried and were given a ] immediately afterward.{{sfn|Beevor|2002|p=381}} Goebbels' SS adjutant ] testified in 1948 that they walked ahead of him up the stairs and out into the Chancellery garden. He waited in the stairwell and heard shots. Schwägermann then walked up the remaining stairs and, once outside, saw their lifeless bodies. Following Goebbels' prior order, Schwägermann had an SS soldier fire several shots into Goebbels' body, which did not move.{{sfn|Joachimsthaler|1999|p=52}} In a contradictory account, {{Nowrap|SS-{{lang|de|]}}}} ] claimed that mechanic ] told him that early on 2 May, Goebbels killed himself in his room in the ''Führerbunker'', while Magda did so in the ''Vorbunker''.{{sfn|Misch|2014|pp=182, 183}}
Goebbels promised Hitler that he could raise a million new soldiers by means of a reorganisation of the Army, transferring personnel from the Navy and ''Luftwaffe'', and purging the bloated ''Reich'' Ministries which satraps like Göring had hitherto protected. As it turned out, the inertia of the state bureaucracy was too great even for the energetic Goebbels to overcome. Bormann and his puppet Lammers, keen to retain their control over the Party and State administrations respectively, placed endless obstacles in Goebbels’s way.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 709. Kershaw comments, "Nothing was ever quite what it seemed in the Third Reich."</ref> Another problem was that although Speer and Goebbels were allies, their agendas in fact conflicted: Speer wanted absolute priority in the allocation of labor to be given to arms production, while Goebbels sought to press every able-bodied male into the army. Speer, allied with ], the General Plenipotentiary for the Employment of Labor from 1942, generally won these battles.<ref>Kater, ''Hitler Youth'', 218, discusses the conflicting demands of production and the army on young Germans.</ref>


The corpses were then doused with petrol, but they were only partially burned and not buried.{{sfn|Beevor|2002|p=381}} A few days later, the Soviets brought Voss back to the bunker to identify the Goebbels' partly burned bodies. The remains of the Goebbels family, Krebs, and ] were repeatedly buried and exhumed.{{sfn|Fest|2004|pp=163–164}}{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|pp=111, 333}} The last burial was at the ] facility in ] on 21 February 1946. In 1970, KGB director ] authorised an operation to destroy the remains.{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|p=333}} On 4 April 1970, a Soviet ] team used detailed burial charts to exhume five wooden boxes at the Magdeburg SMERSH facility. They were burned, crushed, and scattered into the Biederitz river, a tributary of the nearby ].{{sfn|Vinogradov|2005|pp=335, 336}}
By July 1944, it was in any case too late for Goebbels and Speer’s internal coup to make any real difference to the outcome of the war. The combined economic and military power of the western Allies and the Soviet Union, now fully mobilized, was simply too great for Germany to overcome. A crucial economic indicator, the ratio of steel output, was running at 4.5:1 against Germany. The final blow was the loss of the ]n oil fields as the Soviet Army advanced through the ] in September. This, combined with the U.S. air campaign against Germany’s synthetic oil production, finally broke the back of the German economy and thus its capacity for further resistance.<ref>Tooze, ''Wages of Destruction'', 639</ref> By this time, the best Goebbels could do to reassure the German people that victory was still possible was to make vague promises that "miracle weapons" such as the ] jet airplane, the ], and the ] could somehow retrieve the military situation.


==Family life==
== Defeat and death ==
]
In the last months of the war, Goebbels’s speeches and articles took on an increasingly ] tone:
Hitler was very fond of Magda and the children.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=159, 160}} He enjoyed staying at the Goebbels' Berlin apartment, where he could relax.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=160}} Magda had a close relationship with Hitler, and became a member of his small coterie of female friends.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=94}} She also became an unofficial representative of the regime, receiving letters from all over Germany from women with questions about domestic matters or child custody issues.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=179}}


In 1936, Goebbels met the Czech actress ] and by the winter of 1937 began an intense affair with her.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=317, 318}} Magda had a long conversation with Hitler about it on 15 August 1938.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=392}} Unwilling to put up with a scandal involving one of his top ministers, Hitler demanded that Goebbels break off the relationship.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=170}} Thereafter, Joseph and Magda seemed to reach a truce until the end of September.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=392}} The couple had another falling out at that point, and again Hitler became involved, insisting the couple stay together.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=392–395}} He arranged for publicity photos to be taken of himself with the reconciled couple in October.{{sfn|Longerich|2015|pp=391, 395}} Goebbels also had short-term affairs and relationships with numerous other women.{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|pp=167–169}} Magda too had affairs, including a relationship with ] in 1933{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=317}} and ] in 1938.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=204}}
{{quote|"Rarely in history has a brave people struggling for its life faced such terrible tests as the German people have in this war," he wrote towards the end. "The misery that results for us all, the never ending chain of sorrows, fears, and spiritual torture does not need to be described in detail&nbsp; We are bearing a heavy fate because we are fighting for a good cause, and are called to bravely endure the battle to achieve greatness."<ref>" ''Das Reich'', 8 April 1945</ref>}}


The Goebbels family included ] (Magda's son from her first marriage; b. 1921),{{sfn|Longerich|2015|p=152}} plus Helga (b. 1932), Hilde (b. 1934), Helmut (b. 1935), Holde (b. 1937), Hedda (b. 1938), and Heide (b. 1940).{{sfn|Manvell|Fraenkel|2010|p=165}} Harald was the only member of the family to survive the war.{{sfn|Thacker|2010|p=149}} He died in an aeroplane crash in 1967.{{sfn|Der Spiegel|1967}}
By the beginning of 1945, with the Soviets on the ] and the western Allies crossing the ], Goebbels could no longer disguise the fact that defeat was inevitable. He knew what that would mean for himself: "For us," he had written in 1943, "we have burnt our bridges. We cannot go back, but neither do we want to go back. We are forced to extremes and therefore resolved to proceed to extremes."<ref>Fest, "The Face of the Third Reich'', 96</ref> In his diaries, he expressed the belief that German diplomacy should find a way to exploit the emerging tensions between Stalin and the West, but he proclaimed foreign minister ], whom Hitler would not abandon, incapable of such a feat.<ref>"Final Entries 1945: The Diaries of Joseph Goebbels" (English transl. by Richard Barry: New York, 1978), 312–313</ref>
==See also==
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]


==References==
When other Nazi leaders urged Hitler to leave Berlin and establish a new center of resistance in the ] in Bavaria, Goebbels opposed this, arguing for a last stand in the ruins of the ''Reich'' capital.
===Informational notes===
{{notes
| refs =
{{efn
| name = letters
| Among Goebbels' school papers offered for auction in 2012 were more than 100 love letters written between Goebbels and Stalherm. {{harvnb|''The Telegraph''|2012}}.
}}
{{efn
| name = crucifixes
| Hitler later removed the restriction on crucifixes, as it was damaging morale. {{harvnb|Rees|Kershaw|2012}}.
}}
{{efn
| name = other departments
| Rosenberg's foreign ministry retained partial control of foreign propaganda, and the Wehrmacht had its own propaganda organisation. Goebbels' department and duties also overlapped with those of Reich press chief ]. {{harvnb|Longerich|2015|p=693}}.
}}
{{efn
| name = will and marriage
|The ] website, using the sources available to ] (an MI5 agent and author of ''The Last Days of Hitler''), records the marriage as taking place ''after'' Hitler had dictated his last will and testament. {{harvnb|MI5, ''Hitler's Last Days''}}
}} }}


===Citations===
By this time, Goebbels had gained the position he had wanted so long&nbsp;– at the side of Hitler, albeit only because of his subservience to Bormann, who was the ''Führer''{{'}}s ''de facto'' deputy. Göring was utterly discredited, though Hitler refused to dismiss him until 25 April. Himmler, whose appointment as commander of ] had led to disaster on the Oder, was also in disgrace, and Hitler rightly suspected that he was secretly trying to negotiate with the western Allies. Only Goebbels and Bormann remained totally loyal to Hitler.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 787</ref> Goebbels knew how to play on Hitler's fantasies, encouraging him to see in the death of ] ] ] on 12 April the hand of providence.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', 791</ref> On 22 April, largely as a result of Goebbels' influence, Hitler announced that he would not leave Berlin, but would stay and fight, and if necessary die, in defence of the capital.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', 810</ref>
{{Reflist}}


===Bibliography===
On 23 April, Goebbels made the following proclamation to the people of Berlin:
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===Further reading===
{{quote|I call on you to fight for your city. Fight with everything you have got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held dear, and all the generations that will come after us. Be proud and courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your '']'' is amongst you. He and his colleagues will remain in your midst. His wife and children are here as well. He, who once captured the city with 200 men, will now use every means to galvanize the defense of the capital. The ] must become the signal for the whole nation to rise up in battle&nbsp;..."<ref>Dollinger, Hans. The Decline and Fall of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number 67-27047, Page 231</ref>}}
* {{cite book | last = Bramsted | first = Ernest | title = Goebbels and National Socialist Propaganda, 1925–1945 | year = 1965 | publisher = Michigan State University Press}}
* {{cite book | last = Gilbert | first = Martin | author-link = Martin Gilbert | title = Kristallnacht: Prelude to Destruction | year = 2006 | publisher = HarperCollins | location = New York | isbn = 978-0-06-057083-5 | url = https://archive.org/details/kristallnachtpre00gilb}}
* {{Cite book |last=Goebbels |first=Joseph |url=https://doi.org/10.11588/diglit.53164 |title=Wilhelm v. Schütz als Dramatiker: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Dramas der Romantischen Schule |language=de |trans-title=William V. Schütz as a Playwright: A Contribution to the History of Drama of the Romantic School |date=1922 |doi=10.11588/diglit.53164 }}
* {{cite book | last = Heiber| first= Helmut |title= Goebbels | url = https://archive.org/details/goebbels00heib| url-access = registration|location= New York|publisher= Hawthorn Books|year= 1972|oclc=383933}}
* {{cite journal | last = Herf | first = Jeffrey | author-link = Jeffrey Herf | title = The 'Jewish War': Goebbels and the Antisemitic Campaigns of the Nazi Propaganda Ministry | journal = Holocaust and Genocide Studies | year = 2005 | volume = 19 | issue = 1 | pages = 51–80 | doi=10.1093/hgs/dci003| s2cid = 143944355 }}
* {{cite journal |last1=Kater |first1=Michael H. |title=Inside Nazis The Goebbels Diaries, 1924–1941 |journal=Canadian Journal of History |date=1 August 1990 |volume=25 |issue=2 |pages=233–244 |doi=10.3138/cjh.25.2.233 |url=https://www.utpjournals.press/doi/abs/10.3138/cjh.25.2.233 |issn=0008-4107}}
* {{ cite book | last = Moeller | first = Felix | title = The Film Minister: Goebbels and the Cinema in the Third Reich | year = 2000 | publisher = Axel Menges | isbn = 978-3-932565-10-6}}
* {{cite journal | last = Mollo | first = Andrew | year = 1988 | editor-last = Ramsey | editor-first = Winston | title = The Berlin Führerbunker: The Thirteenth Hole | journal = After the Battle | issue = 61 | publisher = Battle of Britain International | location = London}}
* {{cite book| last = Reimann | first = Viktor | title = Goebbels: The Man Who Created Hitler | year = 1976 | publisher = Doubleday | isbn = 978-0385017138}}
* {{cite book | last = Rentschler | first = Eric | title = The Ministry of Illusion: Nazi Cinema and Its Afterlife | url = https://archive.org/details/ministryofillusi0000rent | url-access = registration | year = 1996 | publisher = Harvard University Press | location = Cambridge | isbn = 978-0-674-57640-7}}
* {{cite journal |last1=Whealey |first1=Robert H. |title=Nazi Propagandist Joseph Goebbels Looks at the Spanish Civil War |journal=The Historian |date=1 December 1998 |volume=61 |issue=2 |pages=341–360 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-6563.1999.tb01030.x |url=https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1999.tb01030.x |issn=0018-2370}}


==External links==
Unlike many other leading Nazis at this juncture, Goebbels proved to have strong convictions, moving himself and his family into the '']'' under the ''Reich'' Chancellery building in central Berlin. He told Vice-Admiral ] that he would not entertain the idea of either surrender or escape: "I was the Reich Minister of Propaganda and led the fiercest activity against the Soviet Union, for which they would never pardon me," Voss quoted him as saying. "He couldn't escape also because he was Berlin's Defence Commissioner and he considered it would be disgraceful for him to abandon his post," Voss added.<ref>V.K. Vinogradov and others, ''Hitler's Death: Russia's Last Great Secret from the Files of the KGB'' (Chaucer Press 205), 154. Goebbels had assumed the title Reichs Defence Commissioner for the Greater Berlin Gau in November 1942. He also made himself City President of Berlin in April 1943.</ref>
{{Wikisource author}}
{{Wikiquote}}
{{Commons category}}
* at the ]
* at the ]
* at ]
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150907022559/https://www.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/arct14.soc.amexhitpro/the-man-behind-hitler-gallery-homefront-propaganda-in-germany-and-the-usa/ |date=7 September 2015 }}, documentary film and supplementary material from ]
* {{PM20|FID=pe/006223}}
* {{ReichstagDB|118540041}}


{{s-start}}
On 30 April, with the Soviets advancing to within a few hundred meters of the bunker, Hitler dictated his ]. Goebbels was one of four witnesses. Not long after completing it, Hitler shot himself. Of Hitler's death, Goebbels commented: "The heart of Germany has ceased to beat. The ''Führer'' is dead."
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{{s-ttl|title=''Stadtpräsident'' of Berlin|years=7 April 1944–1 May 1945}}
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{{s-ttl|title=Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War|years=23 July 1944—1 May 1945}}
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{{Nazism}}
In his last will and testament, Hitler named no successor as ''Führer'' or leader of the Nazi Party. Instead, Hitler appointed Goebbels Reich Chancellor; Grand Admiral ], who was at ] near the Danish border, Reich President; and Martin Bormann, Hitler's long-time chief of staff, Party Minister. Goebbels knew that this was an empty title. Even if he was willing and able to escape Berlin and reach the north, it was unlikely that Dönitz, whose only concern was to negotiate a settlement with the western Allies that would save Germany from Soviet occupation, would want such a notorious figure as Goebbels heading his government.
{{Fascism}}

{{Chancellors of Germany}}
As it was, Goebbels had no intention of trying to escape. Voss later recounted: "When Goebbels learned that Hitler had committed suicide, he was very depressed and said: 'It is a great pity that such a man is not with us any longer. But there is nothing to be done. For us, everything is lost now and the only way left for us is the one which Hitler chose. I shall follow his example'."<ref name="Vinogradov, Hitler's Death, 156">Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 156</ref>

On 1 May, within hours of Hitler's suicide on 30 April, Goebbels completed his sole official act as Chancellor of Germany (''Reichskanzler''). He dictated a letter and ordered German General ], under a ], to meet with General ] and to deliver his letter. Chuikov, as commander of the ], commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin. Goebbels' letter informed Chuikov of Hitler's death and requested a ceasefire, hinting that the establishment of a National Socialist government hostile to Western ] would be beneficial to the ], as the betrayal of Himmler and Göring indicated that otherwise anti-Soviet National Socialist elements might align themselves with the West. When this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.<ref>Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 324</ref> Shortly afterward he dictated a postscript to Hitler's testament:

{{quote|The ''Führer'' has given orders for me, in case of a breakdown of defense of the Capital of the ''Reich'', to leave Berlin and to participate as a leading member in a government appointed by him. For the first time in my life, I must categorically refuse to obey a command of the ''Führer''. My wife and my children agree with this refusal. In any other case, I would feel myself&nbsp;... a dishonorable renegade and vile scoundrel for my entire further life, who would lose the esteem of himself along with the esteem of his people, both of which would have to form the requirement for further duty of my person in designing the future of the German Nation and the German ''Reich''.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://hitlernews.cloudworth.com/death-of-leading-nazis/death-of-joseph-goebbels.html |title=Death of Joseph Goebbels |publisher=Hitlernews.cloudworth.com |date= |accessdate=2009-08-09}}</ref>}}

Later on 1 May, Vice-Admiral ] saw Goebbels for the last time: "Before the breakout began, about ten generals and officers, including myself, went down individually to Goebbels's shelter to say goodbye. While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join us. But he replied: 'The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to go because with little children I will not be able to make it'."<ref name="Vinogradov, Hitler's Death, 156"/>

].]]

At 8&nbsp;pm on the evening of 1 May, Goebbels arranged for an SS doctor, ], to kill his six children by injecting them with ] and then, when they were unconscious, crushing an ampule of ] in each of their mouths.<ref>Transcript of the testimony of SS-''Stürmbannführer'' Helmut Kunz in Soviet captivity, Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 56.</ref> According to Kunz's testimony, he gave the children morphine injections but it was Magda Goebbels and Stumpfegger, Hitler's personal doctor, who then administered the cyanide.<ref>{{cite book |last=Beevor |first=Antony | authorlink = Antony Beevor |title=Berlin: The Downfall 1945 |origyear=2002, Viking |edition = | series = Penguin History |year=2003 |publisher=Penguin Books |location=London |isbn =0-140-28696-9 |pages=380f |chapter=Chapter 25: Reich Chancellery and Reichstag |quote = Kunz said that he could not face giving poison to the sleeping children. . . . Together with Stumpfegger, she opened the mouths of the sleeping children, put an ampule of poison between their teeth and forced their jaws together.}}</ref> Shortly afterward, Goebbels and his wife went up to the garden of the Chancellery, where they killed themselves. The details of their suicides are uncertain. After the war, Rear-Admiral ], a U.S. naval officer and judge, published an account apparently based on eye-witness testimony: "At about 8:15&nbsp;pm, Goebbels arose from the table, put on his hat, coat and gloves and, taking his wife's arm, went upstairs to the garden." They were followed by Goebbels's adjutant, SS-''Hauptsturmführer'' ]. "While Schwägermann was preparing the petrol, he heard a shot. Goebbels had shot himself and his wife took poison. Schwägermann ordered one of the soldiers to shoot Goebbels again because he was unable to do it himself."<ref>Michael Musmanno, "Is Hitler Alive?", published in the Swiss newspaper ''Die Nation'', 1948 (presumably in translation from an English original), and reprinted in Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 314.</ref> One SS officer later said they each took cyanide and were shot by an SS trooper. An early report said they were machine-gunned to death at their own request. According to another account, Goebbels shot his wife and then himself. This idea is presented in the movie '']''.

The bodies of Goebbels and his wife were then burned in a shell crater, but owing to the lack of petrol the burning was only partly effective, and their bodies were easily identifiable. A few days later, Voss was brought back to the bunker by the Soviets to identify the partly burned bodies of Joseph and Magda Goebbels and the bodies of their children. "Vice-Admiral Voss, being asked how he identified the people as Goebbels, his wife and children, explained that he recognized the burnt body of the man as former ''Reichsminister'' Goebbels by the following signs: the shape of the head, the line of the mouth, the metal brace that Goebbels had on his right leg, his gold NSDAP badge and the burnt remains of his party uniform."<ref>Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 34</ref> The remains of the Goebbels family were secretly buried, along with those of Hitler, near ] in ]. In 1970, they were disinterred and cremated, and the ashes thrown in the ].

Joachim Fest writes: "What he seemed to fear more than anything else was a death devoid of dramatic effects. To the end he was what he had always been: the propagandist for himself. Whatever he thought or did was always based on this one agonizing wish for self-exaltation, and this same object was served by the murder of his children&nbsp;... They were the last victims of an egomania extending beyond the grave. However, this deed, too, failed to make him the figure of tragic destiny he had hoped to become; it merely gave his end a touch of repulsive irony."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 97</ref>

== References ==
=== Notes ===
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}

===Bibliography===
{{refbegin}}
* Browning, Christopher (2004) ''The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy'' ISBN 0-434-01227-0
* Evans, Richard J. (2005) ''The Third Reich in Power 1933–1939'' ISBN 0-7139-9649-8
* Evans, Richard J. (2004) ''The Coming of the Third Reich'' ISBN 0-141-00975-6
* Fest, Joachim (1970) ''The Face of the Third Reich'' ISBN 0-297-17949-7
* Fest, Joachim (1996) ''Plotting Hitler’s Death: The German Resistance to Hitler 1933–1945'' ISBN 0-297-81774-4
* Gilbert, Martin (2006) ''Kristallnacht: the Prelude to Destruction'' ISBN 978-0-06-057083-5
* Hamilton, Richard F. (1982) ''Who Voted for Hitler?'' ISBN 0-691-09395-4
* Kater, Michael H. (2004) ''Hitler Youth'' ISBN 0-674-01496-0
* Kershaw, Ian (1999) ''Hitler'' ISBN 0-393-04671-0
* Read, Anthony and Fisher, David (1994) ''Berlin: The Biography of a City'' ISBN 0-09-178021-7
* Tooze, Adam (2006) ''The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy'' ISBN 0-713-99566-1
* Vinogradov, V.K. and others ''Hitler's Death: Russia's Last Great Secret from the Files of the KGB'' ISBN 1-904-44913-1
{{refend}}

== External links ==
{{wikisource author|Joseph Goebbels}}
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Latest revision as of 11:43, 16 January 2025

Nazi politician and Propaganda Minister (1897–1945) "Goebbels" redirects here. For other uses, see Goebbels (disambiguation).

ReichsleiterJoseph Goebbels
Goebbels in 1933
Chancellor of Germany
In office
30 April – 1 May 1945
PresidentKarl Dönitz
Preceded byAdolf Hitler
Succeeded byLutz Schwerin von Krosigk (as Leading Minister)
Stadtpräsident of Berlin
In office
7 April 1944 – 1 May 1945
Preceded byLudwig Steeg
Succeeded byOffice abolished
Reichsminister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda
In office
14 March 1933 – 30 April 1945
ChancellorAdolf Hitler
Preceded byOffice established
Succeeded byWerner Naumann
Gauleiter of Berlin
In office
26 October 1926 – 1 May 1945
FührerAdolf Hitler
Preceded byErnst Schlange
Succeeded byOffice abolished
Additional positions
1944–1945Commander of the Volkssturm in Gau Berlin
1944—1945Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War
1933–1945Reichsleiter of the National Socialist German Workers' Party
1933—1945Member of the Greater German Reichstag
1928–1933Member of the Reichstag
Personal details
BornPaul Joseph Goebbels
(1897-10-29)29 October 1897
Rheydt, German Empire
Died1 May 1945(1945-05-01) (aged 47)
Berlin, Germany
Cause of deathSuicide (cyanide poisoning or gunshot)
Political partyNazi Party (from 1924)
Spouse Magda Ritschel ​(m. 1931)
ChildrenGoebbels children
Education
Occupation
Signature
Joseph Goebbels' voice Joseph Goebbels' famous speech in the Sportpalast in Berlin
Recorded on 18 February 1943
Formally titled "Leading Minister" or "Chief Minister" (Leitender Minister)
This article is part of
a series aboutJoseph Goebbels

Personal
Minister of Propaganda
Chancellor of Germany
Legacy

Paul Joseph Goebbels (German: [ˈpaʊ̯l ˈjoːzɛf ˈɡœbl̩s] ; 29 October 1897 – 1 May 1945) was a German Nazi politician and philologist who was the Gauleiter (district leader) of Berlin, chief propagandist for the Nazi Party, and then Reich Minister of Propaganda from 1933 to 1945. He was one of Adolf Hitler's closest and most devoted followers, known for his skills in public speaking and his deeply virulent antisemitism which was evident in his publicly voiced views. He advocated progressively harsher discrimination, including the extermination of the Jews in the Holocaust.

Goebbels, who aspired to be an author, obtained a doctorate in philology from the University of Heidelberg in 1921. He joined the Nazi Party in 1924, and worked with Gregor Strasser in its northern branch. He was appointed Gauleiter of Berlin in 1926, where he began to take an interest in the use of propaganda to promote the party and its programme. After the Nazis came to power in 1933, Goebbels's Propaganda Ministry quickly gained control over the news media, arts and information in Nazi Germany. He was particularly adept at using the relatively new media of radio and film for propaganda purposes. Topics for party propaganda included antisemitism, attacks on Christian churches, and (after the start of the Second World War) attempts to shape morale.

In 1943, Goebbels began to pressure Hitler to introduce measures that would produce "total war", including closing businesses not essential to the war effort, conscripting women into the labour force, and enlisting men in previously exempt occupations into the Wehrmacht. Hitler finally appointed him as Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War on 23 July 1944, whereby Goebbels undertook largely unsuccessful measures to increase the number of people available for armaments manufacture and the Wehrmacht.

As the war drew to a close and Nazi Germany faced defeat, Magda Goebbels and the Goebbels children joined Hitler in Berlin. They moved into the underground Vorbunker, part of Hitler's underground bunker complex, on 22 April 1945. Hitler committed suicide on 30 April. In accordance with Hitler's will, Goebbels succeeded him as Chancellor of Germany; he served one day in this post. The following day, Goebbels and his wife Magda committed suicide, after having poisoned their six children with a cyanide compound.

Early life, education, and relationships

Paul Joseph Goebbels was born on 29 October 1897 in Rheydt, an industrial town south of Mönchengladbach near Düsseldorf, Germany. Both of his parents were Roman Catholics with modest family backgrounds. His father, Fritz, was a German factory clerk; his mother, Katharina Maria (née Odenhausen), was born to Dutch and German parents in a Dutch village close to the border with Germany. Goebbels had five siblings: Konrad (1893–1949), Hans (1895–1947), Maria (1896–1896), Elisabeth (1901–1915) and Maria (1910–1949), who married the German filmmaker Max W. Kimmich in 1938. In 1932 Goebbels commissioned the publication of a pamphlet of his family tree to refute the rumours that his maternal grandmother was of Jewish ancestry.

During childhood Goebbels experienced ill health, which included a long bout of inflammation of the lungs. He had a deformed right foot, which turned inwards and was due to a congenital disorder. It was thicker and shorter than his left foot. Just prior to starting grammar school he underwent an operation, which failed to correct the problem. Goebbels wore a metal brace and a special shoe because of his shortened leg and walked with a limp. He was rejected for military service in World War I because of this deformity.

Goebbels in 1916

Goebbels was educated at a Gymnasium, where he completed his Abitur (university entrance examination) in 1917. He was the top student of his class and was given the traditional honour of speaking at the awards ceremony. His parents initially hoped that he would become a Catholic priest, which Goebbels seriously considered. He studied literature and history at the universities of Bonn, Würzburg, Freiburg and Munich, aided by a scholarship from the Albertus Magnus Society. By this time Goebbels had begun to distance himself from the church.

Historians, including Richard J. Evans and Roger Manvell, speculate that Goebbels' lifelong pursuit of women may have been in compensation for his physical disability. At Freiburg he met and fell in love with Anka Stalherm, who was three years his senior. She went on to Würzburg to continue studying, as did Goebbels. By 1920 the relationship with Anka was over; the break-up filled Goebbels with thoughts of suicide. In 1921 he wrote a semi-autobiographical novel, Michael, a three-part work of which only Parts I and III have survived. Goebbels felt he was writing his "own story". Antisemitic content and material about a charismatic leader may have been added by Goebbels shortly before the book was published in 1929 by Eher-Verlag, the publishing house of the Nazi Party (National Socialist German Workers' Party; NSDAP).

At the University of Heidelberg Goebbels wrote his doctoral thesis on Wilhelm von Schütz, a minor 19th-century romantic dramatist. He had hoped to write his thesis under the supervision of Friedrich Gundolf, a literary historian. It did not seem to bother Goebbels that Gundolf was Jewish. As he was no longer teaching, Gundolf directed Goebbels to associate professor Max Freiherr von Waldberg. Waldberg, who was also Jewish, recommended Goebbels write his thesis on Wilhelm von Schütz. After submitting the thesis and passing his oral examination, Goebbels received his PhD on 21 April 1922. By 1940 he had written 14 books.

Goebbels returned home and worked as a private tutor. He also found work as a journalist and was published in the local newspaper. His writing during that time reflected his growing antisemitism and dislike for modern culture. In the summer of 1922 he met and began a love affair with Else Janke, a schoolteacher. After she revealed to him that she was half-Jewish, Goebbels stated the "enchantment ruined." Nevertheless he continued to see her on and off until 1927.

He continued for several years to try to become a published author. His diaries, which he began in 1923 and continued for the rest of his life, provided an outlet for his desire to write. The lack of income from his literary works – he wrote two plays in 1923, neither of which sold – forced him to take employment as a caller on the stock exchange and as a bank clerk in Cologne, a job he detested. He was dismissed from the bank in August 1923 and returned to Rheydt. During this period he read avidly and was influenced by the works of Oswald Spengler, Fyodor Dostoyevsky and Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the British-born German writer whose book The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century (1899) was one of the standard works of the extreme right in Germany. He also began to study the social question and read the works of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, August Bebel and Gustav Noske. According to German historian Peter Longerich, Goebbels's diary entries from late 1923 to early 1924 reflected the writings of a man who was isolated, preoccupied with "religious-philosophical" issues and lacked a sense of direction. Diary entries from mid-December 1923 onwards show Goebbels was moving towards the Völkisch nationalist movement.

Nazi activist

Goebbels first took an interest in Adolf Hitler and Nazism in 1924. In February 1924, Hitler's trial for treason began in the wake of his failed attempt to seize power in the Beer Hall Putsch of 8–9 November 1923. The trial attracted widespread press coverage and gave Hitler a platform for propaganda. Hitler was sentenced to five years in prison, but was released on 20 December 1924, after serving just over a year, including pre-trial detention. Goebbels was drawn to the Nazi Party mostly because of Hitler's charisma and commitment to his beliefs. He joined the Nazi Party around this time, becoming member number 8762. In late 1924, Goebbels offered his services to Karl Kaufmann, who was Gauleiter (Nazi Party district leader) for the Rhine-Ruhr District. Kaufmann put him in touch with Gregor Strasser, a leading Nazi organiser in northern Germany, who hired him to work on their weekly newspaper and undertake secretarial work for the regional party offices. He was also put to work as party speaker and representative for Rhineland-Westphalia. Strasser founded the National Socialist Working Association on 10 September 1925, a short-lived group of about a dozen northern and western German Gauleiter; Goebbels became its business manager and the editor of its biweekly journal, NS-Briefe. Members of Strasser's northern branch of the Nazi Party, including Goebbels, had a more socialist outlook than the rival Hitler group in Munich. Strasser disagreed with Hitler on many parts of the party platform, and in November 1926 began working on a revision.

Hitler viewed Strasser's actions as a threat to his authority, and summoned 60 Gauleiters and party leaders, including Goebbels, to a special conference in Bamberg, in Streicher's Gau of Franconia, where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating Strasser's new political programme. Hitler was opposed to the socialist leanings of the northern wing, stating it would mean "political bolshevization of Germany." Further, there would be "no princes, only Germans," and a legal system with no "Jewish system of exploitation ... for plundering of our people." The future would be secured by acquiring land, not through expropriation of the estates of the former nobility, but through colonising territories to the east. Goebbels was horrified by Hitler's characterisation of socialism as "a Jewish creation" and his assertion that a Nazi government would not expropriate private property. He wrote in his diary: "I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That's the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away."

After reading Hitler's book Mein Kampf, Goebbels found himself agreeing with Hitler's assertion of a "Jewish doctrine of Marxism". In February 1926, Goebbels gave a speech titled "Bolshevism or National-socialism? Lenin or Hitler?" in which he asserted that communism or Marxism could not save the German people, but he believed it would cause a "socialist nationalist state" to arise in Russia. In 1926, Goebbels published a pamphlet titled Nazi-Sozi which attempted to explain how National Socialism differed from Marxism.

In hopes of winning over the opposition, Hitler arranged meetings in Munich with the three Greater Ruhr Gau leaders, including Goebbels. Goebbels was impressed when Hitler sent his own car to meet them at the railway station. That evening, Hitler and Goebbels both gave speeches at a beer hall rally. The following day, Hitler offered his hand in reconciliation to the three men, encouraging them to put their differences behind them. Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total loyalty. He wrote in his diary: "I love him ... He has thought through everything," "Such a sparkling mind can be my leader. I bow to the greater one, the political genius." He later wrote: "Adolf Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same time. What one calls a genius." As a result of the Bamberg and Munich meetings, the National Socialist Working Association was disbanded. Strasser's new draft of the party programme was discarded, the original National Socialist Program of 1920 was retained unchanged, and Hitler's position as party leader was greatly strengthened.

Propagandist in Berlin

At Hitler's invitation, Goebbels spoke at party meetings in Munich and at the annual Party Congress, held in Weimar in 1926. For the following year's event, Goebbels was involved in the planning for the first time. He and Hitler arranged for the rally to be filmed. Receiving praise for doing well at these events led Goebbels to shape his political ideas to match Hitler's, and to admire and idolise him even more.

Gauleiter

Goebbels was first offered the position of party Gauleiter for the Berlin section in August 1926. He travelled to Berlin in mid-September and by the middle of October accepted the position. Thus Hitler's plan to divide and dissolve the northwestern Gauleiters group that Goebbels had served in under Strasser was successful. Hitler gave Goebbels great authority over the area, allowing him to determine the course for organisation and leadership for the Gau. Goebbels was given control over the local Sturmabteilung (SA) and Schutzstaffel (SS) and answered only to Hitler. The party membership numbered about 1,000 when Goebbels arrived, and he reduced it to a core of 600 of the most active and promising members. To raise money, he instituted membership fees and began charging admission to party meetings. Aware of the value of publicity (both positive and negative), he deliberately provoked beer-hall battles and street brawls, including violent attacks on the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). Goebbels adapted recent developments in commercial advertising to the political sphere, including the use of catchy slogans and subliminal cues. His new ideas for poster design included using large type, red ink, and cryptic headers that encouraged the reader to examine the fine print to determine the meaning.

Goebbels speaks at a political rally (1932). This body position, with arms akimbo, was intended to show the speaker as being in a position of authority.Goebbels giving a speech in Lustgarten, Berlin, August 1934. This hand gesture was used while delivering a warning or threat.

Like Hitler, Goebbels practised his public speaking skills in front of a mirror. Meetings were preceded by ceremonial marches and singing, and the venues were decorated with party banners. His entrance (almost always late) was timed for maximum emotional impact. Goebbels usually meticulously planned his speeches ahead of time, using pre-planned and choreographed inflection and gestures, but he was also able to improvise and adapt his presentation to make a good connection with his audience. He used loudspeakers, decorative flames, uniforms, and marches to attract attention to speeches.

Goebbels' tactic of using provocation to bring attention to the Nazi Party, along with violence at the public party meetings and demonstrations, led the Berlin police to ban the Nazi Party from the city on 5 May 1927. Violent incidents continued, including young Nazis randomly attacking Jews in the streets. Goebbels was subjected to a public speaking ban until the end of October. During this period, he founded the newspaper Der Angriff (The Attack) as a propaganda vehicle for the Berlin area, where few supported the party. It was a modern-style newspaper with an aggressive tone; 126 libel suits were pending against Goebbels at one point. To his disappointment, circulation was initially only 2,000. Material in the paper was highly anti-communist and antisemitic. Among the paper's favourite targets was the Jewish Deputy Chief of the Berlin Police Bernhard Weiß. Goebbels gave him the derogatory nickname "Isidore" and subjected him to a relentless campaign of Jew-baiting in the hope of provoking a crackdown he could then exploit. Goebbels continued to try to break into the literary world, with a revised version of his book Michael finally being published, and the unsuccessful production of two of his plays (Der Wanderer and Die Saat (The Seed)). The latter was his final attempt at playwriting. During this period in Berlin he had relationships with many women, including his old flame Anka Stalherm, who was now married and had a small child. He was quick to fall in love, but easily tired of a relationship and moved on to someone new. He worried too about how a committed personal relationship might interfere with his career.

1928 election

The ban on the Nazi Party was lifted before the Reichstag elections on 20 May 1928. The Nazi Party lost nearly 100,000 voters and earned only 2.6 per cent of the vote nationwide. Results in Berlin were even worse, where they attained only 1.4 per cent of the vote. Goebbels was one of the first 12 Nazi Party members to gain election to the Reichstag. This gave him immunity from prosecution for a long list of outstanding charges, including a three-week jail sentence he received in April for insulting the deputy police chief Weiß. The Reichstag changed the immunity regulations in February 1931, and Goebbels was forced to pay fines for libellous material he had placed in Der Angriff over the course of the previous year. Goebbels continued to be elected to the Reichstag at every subsequent election during the Weimar and Nazi regimes.

In his newspaper Berliner Arbeiterzeitung (Berlin Workers Newspaper), Gregor Strasser was highly critical of Goebbels' failure to attract the urban vote. However, the party as a whole did much better in rural areas, attracting as much as 18 per cent of the vote in some regions. This was partly because Hitler had publicly stated just prior to the election that Point 17 of the party programme, which mandated the expropriation of land without compensation, would apply only to Jewish speculators and not private landholders. After the election, the party refocused their efforts to try to attract still more votes in the agricultural sector. In May, shortly after the election, Hitler considered appointing Goebbels as party propaganda chief. But he hesitated, as he worried that the removal of Gregor Strasser from the post would lead to a split in the party. Goebbels considered himself well suited to the position, and began to formulate ideas about how propaganda could be used in schools and the media.

Goebbels used the death of Horst Wessel (pictured) in 1930 as a propaganda tool against "Communist subhumans".

By 1930 Berlin was the party's second-strongest base of support after Munich. That year the violence between the Nazis and communists led to local SA troop leader Horst Wessel being shot by two members of the KPD. He later died in hospital. Exploiting Wessel's death, Goebbels turned him into a martyr for the Nazi movement. He officially declared Wessel's march Die Fahne hoch (Raise the flag), renamed as the Horst-Wessel-Lied, to be the Nazi Party anthem.

Great Depression

The Great Depression greatly impacted Germany and by 1930 there was a dramatic increase in unemployment. During this time, the Strasser brothers started publishing a new daily newspaper in Berlin, the Nationaler Sozialist. Like their other publications, it conveyed the brothers' own brand of Nazism, including nationalism, anti-capitalism, social reform, and anti-Westernism. Goebbels complained vehemently about the rival Strasser newspapers to Hitler and admitted that their success was causing his own Berlin newspapers to be "pushed to the wall". In late April 1930, Hitler publicly and firmly announced his opposition to Gregor Strasser and appointed Goebbels to replace him as Reich leader of Nazi Party propaganda. One of Goebbels' first acts was to ban the evening edition of the Nationaler Sozialist. Goebbels was also given control of other Nazi papers across the country, including the party's national newspaper, the Völkischer Beobachter (People's Observer). He still had to wait until 3 July for Otto Strasser and his supporters to announce they were leaving the Nazi Party. Upon receiving the news, Goebbels was relieved the "crisis" with the Strassers was finally over and glad that Otto Strasser had lost all power.

The rapid deterioration of the economy led to the resignation on 27 March 1930 of the coalition government that had been elected in 1928. Paul von Hindenburg appointed Heinrich Brüning as chancellor. A new cabinet was formed, and Hindenburg used his power as president to govern via emergency decrees. Goebbels took charge of the Nazi Party's national campaign for Reichstag elections called for 14 September 1930. Campaigning was undertaken on a huge scale, with thousands of meetings and speeches held all over the country. Hitler's speeches focused on blaming the country's economic woes on the Weimar Republic, particularly its adherence to the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which required war reparations that had proven devastating to the German economy. He proposed a new German society based on race and national unity. The resulting success took even Hitler and Goebbels by surprise: the party received 6.5 million votes nationwide and took 107 seats in the Reichstag, making it the second-largest party in the country.

Goebbels and his daughter Helga with Adolf Hitler in Heiligendamm

In late 1930 Goebbels met Magda Quandt, a divorcée who had joined the party a few months earlier. She worked as a volunteer in the party offices in Berlin, helping Goebbels organise his private papers. Her flat on Reichskanzlerplatz soon became a favourite meeting place for Hitler and other Nazi Party officials. Goebbels and Quandt married on 19 December 1931 at a Protestant church. Hitler was his best man.

For two further elections held in 1932, Goebbels organised massive campaigns that included rallies, parades, speeches, and Hitler travelling around the country by aeroplane with the slogan "the Führer over Germany". Goebbels wrote in his diary that the Nazis must gain power and exterminate Marxism. He undertook numerous speaking tours during these election campaigns and had some of their speeches published on gramophone records and as pamphlets. Goebbels was also involved in the production of a small collection of silent films that could be shown at party meetings, though they did not yet have enough equipment to widely use this medium. Many of Goebbels' campaign posters used violent imagery such as a giant half-clad male destroying political opponents or other perceived enemies such as "International High Finance". His propaganda characterised the opposition as "November criminals", "Jewish wire-pullers", or a communist threat.

Role in Hitler's government

Support for the party continued to grow, but neither of these elections led to a majority government. In an effort to stabilise the country and improve economic conditions, Hindenburg appointed Hitler as Reich chancellor on 30 January 1933.

To celebrate Hitler's appointment as chancellor, Goebbels organised a torchlight parade in Berlin on the night of 30 January of an estimated 60,000 men, many in the uniforms of the SA and SS. The spectacle was covered by a live state radio broadcast, with commentary by longtime party member and future Minister of Aviation Hermann Göring. Goebbels was disappointed not to be given a post in Hitler's new cabinet. Bernhard Rust was appointed as Minister of Culture, the post that Goebbels was expecting to receive. Like other Nazi Party officials, Goebbels had to deal with Hitler's leadership style of giving contradictory orders to his subordinates, while placing them into positions where their duties and responsibilities overlapped. In this way, Hitler fostered distrust, competition, and infighting among his subordinates to consolidate and maximise his own power. The Nazi Party took advantage of the Reichstag fire of 27 February 1933, with Hindenburg passing the Reichstag Fire Decree the following day at Hitler's urging. This was the first of several pieces of legislation that dismantled democracy in Germany and put a totalitarian dictatorship—headed by Hitler—in its place. On 5 March, yet another Reichstag election took place, the last to be held before the defeat of the Nazis at the end of the Second World War. While the Nazi Party increased their number of seats and percentage of the vote, it was not the landslide expected by the party leadership. Goebbels finally received Hitler's appointment to the cabinet, officially becoming head of the newly created Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda on 14 March.

Nazi book burning in Berlin, 10 May 1933

The role of the new ministry, which set up its offices in the 18th-century Ordenspalais across from the Reich Chancellery, was to centralise Nazi control of all aspects of German cultural and intellectual life. Goebbels hoped to increase popular support of the party from the 37 per cent achieved at the last free election held in Germany on 25 March 1933 to 100 per cent support. An unstated goal was to present to other nations the impression that the Nazi Party had the full and enthusiastic backing of the entire population. One of Goebbels' first productions was staging the Day of Potsdam, a ceremonial passing of power from Hindenburg to Hitler, held in Potsdam on 21 March. He composed the text of Hitler's decree authorising the Nazi boycott of Jewish businesses, held on 1 April. Later that month, Goebbels travelled back to Rheydt, where he was given a triumphal reception. The townsfolk lined the main street, which had been renamed in his honour. On the following day, Goebbels was declared a local hero.

Goebbels converted the 1 May holiday from a celebration of workers' rights (observed as such especially by the communists) into a day celebrating the Nazi Party. In place of the usual ad hoc labour celebrations, he organised a huge party rally held at Tempelhof Field in Berlin. The following day, all trade union offices in the country were forcibly disbanded by the SA and SS, and the Nazi-run German Labour Front was created to take their place. "We are the masters of Germany," he commented in his diary entry of 3 May. Less than two weeks later, he gave a speech at the Nazi book burning in Berlin on 10 May, a ceremony he suggested.

Meanwhile, the Nazi Party began passing laws to marginalise Jews and remove them from German society. The Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service, passed on 7 April 1933, forced all non-Aryans to retire from the legal profession and civil service. Similar legislation soon deprived Jewish members of other professions of their right to practise. The first Nazi concentration camps (initially created to house political dissenters) were founded shortly after Hitler seized power. In a process termed Gleichschaltung (coordination), the Nazi Party proceeded to rapidly bring all aspects of life under control of the party. All civilian organisations, including agricultural groups, volunteer organisations, and sports clubs, had their leadership replaced with Nazi sympathisers or party members. By June 1933, virtually the only organisations not in the control of the Nazi Party were the army and the churches. On 2 June 1933, Hitler appointed Goebbels a Reichsleiter, the second highest political rank in the Nazi Party. On 3 October 1933, on the formation of the Academy for German Law, Goebbels was made a member and given a seat on its executive committee. In a move to manipulate Germany's middle class and shape popular opinion, the regime passed on 4 October 1933 the Schriftleitergesetz (Editor's Law), which became the cornerstone of the Nazi Party's control of the popular press. Modelled to some extent on the system in Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy, the law defined a Schriftleiter as anyone who wrote, edited, or selected texts and/or illustrated material for serial publication. Individuals selected for this position were chosen based on experiential, educational, and racial criteria. The law required journalists to "regulate their work in accordance with National Socialism as a philosophy of life and as a conception of government."

In 1934, Goebbels published Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei ("From the Kaiserhof to the Reich Chancellery"), his account of Hitler's seizure of power, which he based on his diary from 1 January 1932 to 1 May 1933. The book sought to glorify both Hitler and the author. It sold around 660,000 copies, making it Goebbels's best-selling publication during his lifetime.

At the end of June 1934, top officials of the SA and opponents of the regime, including Gregor Strasser, were arrested and killed in a purge later called the Night of Long Knives. Goebbels was present at the arrest of SA leader Ernst Röhm in Munich. On 2 August 1934, President von Hindenburg died. In a radio broadcast, Goebbels announced that the offices of president and chancellor had been combined, and Hitler had been formally named as Führer und Reichskanzler (leader and chancellor).

Workings of the Ministry

The propaganda ministry was organised into seven departments: administration and legal; mass rallies, public health, youth, and race; radio; national and foreign press; films and film censorship; art, music, and theatre; and protection against counter-propaganda, both foreign and domestic. Goebbels's style of leadership was tempestuous and unpredictable. He would suddenly change direction and shift his support between senior associates; he was a difficult boss and liked to berate his staff in public. Goebbels was successful at his job, however; Life wrote in 1938 that "ersonally he likes nobody, is liked by nobody, and runs the most efficient Nazi department." John Gunther wrote in 1940 that Goebbels "is the cleverest of all the Nazis", but could not succeed Hitler because "everybody hates him".

The Reich Film Chamber, which all members of the film industry were required to join, was created in June 1933. Goebbels promoted the development of films with a Nazi slant, and ones that contained subliminal or overt propaganda messages. Under the auspices of the Reichskulturkammer (Reich Chamber of Culture), created in September, Goebbels added additional sub-chambers for the fields of broadcasting, fine arts, literature, music, the press, and the theatre. As in the film industry, anyone wishing to pursue a career in these fields had to be a member of the corresponding chamber. In this way anyone whose views were contrary to the regime could be excluded from working in their chosen field and thus silenced. In addition, journalists (now considered employees of the state) were required to prove Aryan descent back to the year 1800, and if married, the same requirement applied to the spouse. Members of any chamber were not allowed to leave the country for their work without prior permission of their chamber. A committee was established to censor books, and works could not be re-published unless they were on the list of approved works. Similar regulations applied to other fine arts and entertainment; even cabaret performances were censored. Many German artists and intellectuals left Germany in the pre-war years rather than work under these restrictions.

Free radios were distributed in Berlin on Goebbels' birthday in 1938.

Goebbels was particularly interested in controlling the radio, which was then still a fairly new mass medium. Sometimes under protest from individual states (particularly Prussia, headed by Göring), Goebbels gained control of radio stations nationwide, and placed them under the Reichs-Rundfunk-Gesellschaft (German National Broadcasting Corporation) in July 1934. Manufacturers were urged by Goebbels to produce inexpensive home receivers, called Volksempfänger (people's receiver), and by 1938 nearly ten million sets had been sold. Loudspeakers were placed in public areas, factories, and schools, so that important party broadcasts would be heard live by nearly all Germans. On 2 September 1939 (the day after the start of the war), Goebbels and the Council of Ministers proclaimed it illegal to listen to foreign radio stations. Disseminating news from foreign broadcasts could result in the death penalty. Albert Speer, Hitler's architect and later Minister for Armaments and War Production, later said the regime "made the complete use of all technical means for domination of its own country. Through technical devices like the radio and loudspeaker, 80 million people were deprived of independent thought."

Hitler was the focal point at the 1934 Nuremberg Rally. Leni Riefenstahl and her crew are visible in front of the podium.

A major focus of Nazi propaganda was Hitler himself, who was glorified as a heroic and infallible leader and became the focus of a cult of personality. Much of this was spontaneous, but some was stage-managed as part of Goebbels' propaganda work. Adulation of Hitler was the focus of the 1934 Nuremberg Rally, where his moves were carefully choreographed. The rally was the subject of the film Triumph of the Will, one of several Nazi propaganda films directed by Leni Riefenstahl. It won the gold medal at the 1935 Venice Film Festival. At the 1935 Nazi party congress rally at Nuremberg, Goebbels declared that "Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish-led international subhumans against culture itself."

Goebbels was involved in planning the staging of the 1936 Summer Olympics, held in Berlin. It was around this time that he met and started having an affair with the actress Lída Baarová, whom he continued to see until 1938. A major project in 1937 was the Degenerate Art Exhibition, organised by Goebbels, which ran in Munich from July to November. The exhibition proved wildly popular, attracting over two million visitors. A degenerate music exhibition took place the following year. Meanwhile, Goebbels was disappointed by the lack of quality in the National Socialist artwork, films, and literature.

Church struggle

See also: Nazi persecution of the Catholic Church in Germany

In 1933, Hitler signed the Reichskonkordat (Reich Concordat), a treaty with the Vatican that required the regime to honour the independence of Catholic institutions and prohibited clergy from involvement in politics. However, the regime continued to target the Christian churches to weaken their influence. Throughout 1935 and 1936, hundreds of clergy and nuns were arrested, often on trumped up charges of currency smuggling or sexual offences. Goebbels widely publicised the trials in his propaganda campaigns, showing the cases in the worst possible light. Restrictions were placed on public meetings, and Catholic publications faced censorship. Catholic schools were required to reduce religious instruction and crucifixes were removed from state buildings. Hitler often vacillated on whether or not the Kirchenkampf (church struggle) should be a priority, but his frequent inflammatory comments on the issue were enough to convince Goebbels to intensify his work on the issue; in February 1937 he stated he wanted to eliminate the Protestant church.

In response to the persecution, Pope Pius XI had the "Mit brennender Sorge" ("With Burning Concern") Encyclical smuggled into Germany for Passion Sunday 1937 and read from every pulpit. It denounced the systematic hostility of the regime toward the church. In response, Goebbels renewed the regime's crackdown and propaganda against Catholics. His speech of 28 May in Berlin in front of 20,000 party members, which was also broadcast on the radio, attacked the Catholic church as morally corrupt. As a result of the propaganda campaign, enrolment in denominational schools dropped sharply, and by 1939 all such schools were disbanded or converted to public facilities. Harassment and threats of imprisonment led the clergy to be much more cautious in their criticism of the regime. Partly out of foreign policy concerns, Hitler ordered a scaling back of the church struggle by the end of July 1937.

Antisemitism and the Holocaust

Old Synagogue Ohel Jakob [de], Munich, after Kristallnacht

Goebbels was antisemitic from a young age. After joining the Nazi Party and meeting Hitler, his antisemitism grew and became more radical. He began to see the Jews as a destructive force with a negative impact on German society. In 1930, he criticised Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini for his relative lack of hostility towards Jews, stating that "Mussolini appears to have not recognized the Jewish question." After the Nazis seized control, he repeatedly urged Hitler to take action against the Jews. Despite his extreme antisemitism, Goebbels spoke of the "rubbish of race-materialism" and of the unnecessity of biological racism for the Nazi ideology. He also described Himmler's ideology as "in many regards, mad" and thought Alfred Rosenberg's racial theories were ridiculous.

The Nazi Party's goal was to remove Jews from German cultural and economic life, and eventually to remove them from the country altogether. In addition to his propaganda efforts, Goebbels actively promoted the persecution of the Jews through pogroms, legislation, and other actions. Discriminatory measures he instituted in Berlin in the early years of the regime included bans against their using public transport and requiring that Jewish shops be marked as such.

In November 1938, the German diplomat Ernst vom Rath was killed in Paris by the young Jewish man Herschel Grynszpan. In response, Goebbels arranged for inflammatory antisemitic material to be released by the press, and the result was the start of a pogrom. Jews were attacked and synagogues destroyed all over Germany. The situation was further inflamed by a speech Goebbels gave at a party meeting on the night of 8 November, where he obliquely called for party members to incite further violence against Jews while making it appear to be a spontaneous series of acts by the German people. At least a hundred Jews were killed, several hundred synagogues were damaged or destroyed, and thousands of Jewish shops were vandalised in an event called Kristallnacht (Night of Broken Glass). Around 30,000 Jewish men were sent to concentration camps. The destruction stopped after a conference held on 12 November, where Göring pointed out that the destruction of Jewish property was in effect the destruction of German property since the intention was that it would all eventually be confiscated.

Goebbels continued his intensive antisemitic propaganda campaign that culminated in Hitler's 30 January 1939 Reichstag speech, which Goebbels helped to write:

Woman in Berlin wearing the yellow star

If international finance Jewry in and outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevization of the earth and thereby the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe!

While Goebbels had been pressing for expulsion of the Berlin Jews since 1935, there were still 62,000 living in the city in 1940. Part of the delay in their deportation was that they were needed as workers in the armaments industry. Deportations of German Jews began in October 1941, with the first transport from Berlin leaving on 18 October. Some Jews were shot immediately on arrival in destinations such as Riga and Kaunas. In preparation for the deportations, Goebbels ordered that all German Jews wear an identifying yellow badge as of 5 September 1941. On 6 March 1942, Goebbels received a copy of the minutes of the Wannsee Conference, which indicated indirectly that the Jewish population of Europe was to be sent to extermination camps in occupied areas of Poland and killed. His diary entries of the period show that he was well aware of the fate of the Jews. "In general, it can probably be established that 60 per cent of them will have to be liquidated, while only 40 per cent can be put to work. ... A judgment is being carried out on the Jews which is barbaric but thoroughly deserved," he wrote on 27 March 1942.

Goebbels had frequent discussions with Hitler about the fate of the Jews, a subject they discussed almost every time they met. He was aware throughout that the Jews were being exterminated, and completely supported this decision. He was one of the few top Nazi officials to do so publicly.

World War II

As early as February 1933, Hitler announced that rearmament must be undertaken, albeit clandestinely at first, as to do so was in violation of the Versailles Treaty. A year later he told his military leaders that 1942 was the target date for going to war in the east. Goebbels was one of the most enthusiastic supporters of Hitler aggressively pursuing Germany's expansionist policies sooner rather than later. At the time of the Reoccupation of the Rhineland in 1936, Goebbels summed up his general attitude in his diary: "ow is the time for action. Fortune favors the brave! He who dares nothing wins nothing." In the lead-up to the Sudetenland crisis in 1938, Goebbels took the initiative time and again to use propaganda to whip up sympathy for the Sudeten Germans while campaigning against the Czech government. Still, Goebbels was well aware there was a growing "war panic" in Germany and so by July had the press conduct propaganda efforts at a lower level of intensity. After the Western powers acceded to Hitler's demands concerning Czechoslovakia in 1938, Goebbels soon redirected his propaganda machine against Poland. From May onwards, he orchestrated a campaign against Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in Danzig and other cities. Even so, he was unable to persuade the majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war. He privately held doubts about the wisdom of risking a protracted war against Britain and France by attacking Poland.

After the Invasion of Poland in September 1939, Goebbels used his propaganda ministry and the Reich chambers to control access to information domestically. To his chagrin, his rival Joachim von Ribbentrop, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, continually challenged Goebbels' jurisdiction over the dissemination of international propaganda. Hitler declined to make a firm ruling on the subject, so the two men remained rivals for the remainder of the Nazi era. Goebbels did not participate in the military decision-making process, nor was he made privy to diplomatic negotiations until after the fact.

Production of a newsreel at the front lines, January 1941

The Propaganda Ministry took over the broadcasting facilities of conquered countries immediately after surrender, and began broadcasting prepared material using the existing announcers as a way to gain the trust of the citizens. Most aspects of the media, both domestically and in the conquered countries, were controlled by Goebbels and his department. The German Home Service, the Armed Forces Programme, and the German European Service were all rigorously controlled in everything from the information they were permitted to disseminate to the music they were allowed to play. Party rallies, speeches, and demonstrations continued; speeches were broadcast on the radio and short propaganda films were exhibited using 1,500 mobile film vans. Hitler made fewer public appearances and broadcasts as the war progressed, so Goebbels increasingly became the voice of the Nazi regime for the German people. From May 1940 he wrote frequent editorials that were published in Das Reich which were later read aloud over the radio. He found films to be his most effective propaganda medium, after radio. At his insistence, initially half the films made in wartime Germany were propaganda films (particularly on antisemitism) and war propaganda films (recounting both historical wars and current exploits of the Wehrmacht).

Goebbels became preoccupied with morale and the efforts of the people on the home front. He believed that the more the people at home were involved in the war effort, the better their morale would be. For example, he initiated a programme for the collection of winter clothing and ski equipment for troops on the eastern front. At the same time, Goebbels implemented changes to have more "entertaining material" in radio and film produced for the public, decreeing in late 1942 that 20 per cent of the films should be propaganda and 80 per cent light entertainment. As Gauleiter of Berlin, Goebbels dealt with increasingly serious shortages of necessities such as food and clothing, as well as the need to ration beer and tobacco, which were important for morale. Hitler suggested watering the beer and degrading the quality of the cigarettes so that more could be produced, but Goebbels refused, saying the cigarettes were already of such low quality that it was impossible to make them any worse. Through his propaganda campaigns, he worked hard to maintain an appropriate level of morale among the public about the military situation, neither too optimistic nor too grim. The series of military setbacks the Germans suffered in this period – the thousand-bomber raid on Cologne (May 1942), the Allied victory at the Second Battle of El Alamein (November 1942), and especially the catastrophic defeat at the Battle of Stalingrad (February 1943) – were difficult matters to present to the German public, who were increasingly weary of the war and sceptical that it could be won. On 16 November 1942 Goebbels, like all Gauleiters, was appointed the Reich Defense Commissioner for his Gau. This enabled him to issue direct instructions to authorities within his jurisdiction in matters concerning the civilian war effort. On 15 January 1943, Hitler appointed Goebbels as head of the newly created Air Raid Damage committee, which meant Goebbels was nominally in charge of nationwide civil air defences and shelters as well as the assessment and repair of damaged buildings. In actuality, the defence of areas other than Berlin remained in the hands of the local Gauleiters, and his main tasks were limited to providing immediate aid to the affected civilians and using propaganda to improve their morale.

By early 1943, the war produced a labour crisis for the regime. Hitler created a three-man committee with representatives of the State, the army, and the party in an attempt to centralise control of the war economy. The committee members were Hans Lammers (head of the Reich Chancellery), Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, chief of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (Armed Forces High Command; OKW), and Martin Bormann, who controlled the party. The committee was intended to independently propose measures regardless of the wishes of various ministries, with Hitler reserving most final decisions to himself. The committee, soon known as the Dreierausschuß (Committee of Three), met eleven times between January and August 1943. However, they ran up against resistance from Hitler's cabinet ministers, who headed deeply entrenched spheres of influence and were excluded from the committee. Seeing it as a threat to their power, Goebbels, Göring, and Speer worked together to bring it down. The result was that nothing changed, and the Committee of Three declined into irrelevance by September 1943.

Sportpalast speech, 18 February 1943. The banner says "TOTALER KRIEG – KÜRZESTER KRIEG" ("Total War – Shortest War").

Partly in response to being excluded from the Committee of Three, Goebbels pressured Hitler to introduce measures that would produce "total war", including closing businesses not essential to the war effort, conscripting women into the labour force, and enlisting men in previously exempt occupations into the Wehrmacht. Some of these measures were implemented in an edict of 13 January, but to Goebbels' dismay, Göring demanded that his favourite restaurants in Berlin should remain open, and Lammers successfully lobbied Hitler to have women with children exempted from conscription, even if they had child care available. After receiving an enthusiastic response to his speech of 30 January 1943 on the topic, Goebbels believed he had the support of the German people in his call for total war. His next speech, the Sportpalast speech of 18 February 1943, was a passionate demand for his audience to commit to total war, which he presented as the only way to stop the Bolshevik onslaught and save the German people from destruction. The speech also had a strong antisemitic element and hinted at the extermination of the Jewish people that was already underway. The speech was presented live on radio and was filmed as well. During the live version of the speech, Goebbels accidentally begins to mention the "extermination" of the Jews; this is omitted in the published text of the speech.

Goebbels' efforts had little impact for the time being, because Hitler, who in principle was in favour of total war, was not prepared to implement changes over the objections of his ministers. The discovery around this time of a mass grave of Polish officers that had been killed by the Red Army in the 1940 Katyn massacre was made use of by Goebbels in his propaganda in an attempt to drive a wedge between the Soviets and the other Western Allies.

Plenipotentiary for total war

Goebbels (centre) and Armaments Minister Albert Speer (to Goebbels' left) observe rocket tests at Peenemünde, August 1943.
9 March 1945: Goebbels awards 16-year-old Hitler Youth Willi Hübner the Iron Cross for the defence of Lauban (now Lubań in Poland).

After the Allied invasion of Sicily (July 1943) and the strategic Soviet victory in the Battle of Kursk (July–August 1943), Goebbels began to recognise that the war could no longer be won. Following the Allied invasion of Italy and the fall of Mussolini in September, he raised with Hitler the possibility of a separate peace, either with the Soviets or with Britain. Hitler rejected both of these proposals.

As Germany's military and economic situation grew steadily worse, on 25 August 1943 Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler took over the post of interior minister, replacing Wilhelm Frick. Intensive air raids on Berlin and other cities took the lives of thousands of people. In December 1943, Hitler asked Goebbels to take on the job of Stadtpräsident (City President) of Berlin, and Goebbels agreed to this as a means of obtaining more direct control over the municipal authorities, though Hitler delayed the formal appointment for several months. Goebbels took over direct administrative control of the city when he was formally named Stadtpräsident on 7 April 1944, thus uniting under his control the city's most powerful party and governmental offices. As air raids on Berlin continued, Göring's Luftwaffe attempted to retaliate with air raids on London in early 1944, but they no longer had sufficient aircraft to make much of an impact. While Goebbels' propaganda in this period indicated that a huge retaliation was in the offing, the V-1 flying bombs, launched on British targets beginning in mid-June 1944, had little effect, with only around 20 per cent reaching their intended targets. To boost morale, Goebbels continued to publish propaganda to the effect that further improvements to these weapons would have a decisive impact on the outcome of the war. Meanwhile, in the Normandy landings of 6 June 1944, the Allies successfully gained a foothold in France.

Throughout July 1944, Goebbels and Speer continued to press Hitler to bring the economy to a total war footing. The 20 July plot, where Hitler was almost killed by a bomb at his field headquarters in East Prussia, played into the hands of those who had been pushing for change: Bormann, Goebbels, Himmler, and Speer. Over the objections of Göring, Goebbels was appointed on 23 July as Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War, charged with maximising the manpower for the Wehrmacht and the armaments industry at the expense of sectors of the economy not critical to the war effort. Through these efforts, he was able to free up an additional half a million men for military service. However, as many of these new recruits came from the armaments industry, the move put him in conflict with armaments minister Speer. Untrained workers from elsewhere were not readily absorbed into the armaments industry, and likewise, the new Wehrmacht recruits waited in barracks for their turn to be trained.

Hitler ordered a nationwide militia of men previously considered unsuitable for military service — the Volkssturm (People's Storm) — to be formed on 25 September 1944; it was launched on 18 October. In his capacity as Gauleiter and Reich Defense Commissioner, Goebbels was named Führer des Deutschen Volkssturms im Gau Groß-Berlin on 25 September 1944, and he administered the oath of allegiance to the assembled Berlin Volkssturm troops on 12 November. Goebbels recorded in his diary that 100,000 recruits were sworn in from his Gau alone. However, the men, mostly age 45 to 60, received only rudimentary training and many were not properly armed. Goebbels' notion that these men could effectively serve on the front lines against Soviet tanks and artillery was unrealistic at best. The programme was deeply unpopular.

Goebbels realised that his influence would diminish in wartime. He suffered a series of setbacks as propaganda became less important compared to warfare, the war economy, and the Allied bombing of German cities. Historian Michael Balfour states that from 1942 onward, Goebbels, "lost control over Nazi policy toward the press and over the handling of news in general." Rival agencies expanded. The foreign ministry took charge of propaganda outside Germany. The military set up its own propaganda division, providing daily reports on the progress of the war and the conditions of the armed forces. The Nazi Party also generated and distributed its own propaganda during the war. Goebbels was still influential when he had the opportunity to meet with Hitler, who became less available as he moved his headquarters closer to the military front lines. They were together perhaps one day a month. Furthermore, Hitler rarely gave speeches or rallies of the sort that had dominated propaganda in the 1930s. After Hitler returned to Berlin in 1945, Goebbels' ministry was destroyed by an Allied air raid on 13 March, and Goebbels had great difficulty disseminating propaganda. In April 1945, he finally bested the rival agencies and took full charge of propaganda, but by then the Soviet Red Army had already entered Berlin. Goebbels was an astute observer of the war, and historians have exhaustively mined his diary for insights on how the Nazi leadership tried to maintain public morale.

Defeat and death

In the last months of the war, Goebbels' speeches and articles took on an increasingly apocalyptic tone. By the beginning of 1945, with the Soviets on the Oder River and the Western Allies preparing to cross the Rhine River, he could no longer disguise the inevitability of German defeat. Berlin had little in the way of fortifications or artillery, and even Volkssturm units were in short supply, as almost everything and everyone had been sent to the front. Goebbels noted in his diary on 21 January that millions of Germans were fleeing westward. He tentatively discussed with Hitler the issue of making peace overtures to the Western Allies, but Hitler again refused. Privately, Goebbels was conflicted at pushing the case with Hitler since he did not want to lose Hitler's confidence.

When other Nazi leaders urged Hitler to leave Berlin and establish a new centre of resistance in the National Redoubt in Bavaria, Goebbels opposed this, arguing for a heroic last stand in Berlin. His family (except for Magda's son Harald, who had served in the Luftwaffe and been captured by the Allies) moved into their house in Berlin to await the end. He and Magda may have discussed suicide and the fate of their young children in a long meeting on the night of 27 January. He knew how the outside world would view the criminal acts committed by the regime and had no desire to subject himself to the "debacle" of a trial. He burned his private papers on the night of 18 April.

Goebbels knew how to play on Hitler's fantasies, encouraging him to see the hand of providence in the death of United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt on 12 April. Whether Hitler really saw this event as a turning point as Goebbels proclaimed is not known. By this time, Goebbels had gained the position he had wanted so long—at Hitler's side. Göring was utterly discredited, although he was not stripped of his offices until 23 April. Himmler, whose appointment as commander of Army Group Vistula had led to disaster on the Oder, was also in disgrace with Hitler. Most of Hitler's inner circle, including Göring, Himmler, Ribbentrop, and Speer, prepared to leave Berlin immediately after Hitler's birthday celebration on 20 April. Even Bormann was "not anxious" to meet his end at Hitler's side. On 22 April, Hitler announced that he would stay in Berlin until the end and then shoot himself. Goebbels moved with his family into the Vorbunker, connected to the lower Führerbunker under the Reich Chancellery garden in central Berlin, that same day. He told Vice-Admiral Hans-Erich Voss that he would not entertain the idea of either surrender or escape. On 23 April, Goebbels made the following proclamation to the people of Berlin:

I call on you to fight for your city. Fight with everything you have got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held dear, and all the generations that will come after us. Be proud and courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your Gauleiter is amongst you. He and his colleagues will remain in your midst. His wife and children are here as well. He, who once captured the city with 200 men, will now use every means to galvanize the defence of the capital. The battle for Berlin must become the signal for the whole nation to rise up in battle.

After midnight on 29 April, with the Soviets advancing ever closer to the bunker complex, Hitler married Eva Braun in a small civil ceremony in the Führerbunker. Afterward, he hosted a modest wedding breakfast. Hitler then took secretary Traudl Junge to another room and dictated his last will and testament. Goebbels and Bormann were two of the witnesses.

In his last will and testament, Hitler named no successor as Führer or leader of the Nazi Party. Instead, he appointed Goebbels as Reich Chancellor; Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz, who was at Flensburg near the Danish border, as Reich President; and Bormann as Party Minister. Goebbels wrote a postscript to the will stating that he would "categorically refuse" to obey Hitler's order to leave Berlin—as he put it, "the first time in my life" that he had not complied with Hitler's orders. He felt compelled to remain with Hitler "for reasons of humanity and personal loyalty". His wife and children would stay as well. They would end their lives "side by side with the Führer".

In the mid-afternoon of 30 April, Hitler shot himself. Goebbels was depressed, and said he would walk around the Chancellery garden until he was killed by the Russian shelling. Voss later recounted Goebbels as saying: "It is a great pity that such a man is not with us any longer. But there is nothing to be done. For us, everything is lost now and the only way out left for us is the one Hitler chose. I shall follow his example."

On 1 May, Goebbels carried out his sole official act as Chancellor: he dictated a letter to General Vasily Chuikov and ordered German General Hans Krebs to deliver it under a white flag. Chuikov, as commander of the Soviet 8th Guards Army, commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin. Goebbels' letter informed Chuikov of Hitler's death and requested a ceasefire. After this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.

The Goebbels family, including Goebbels' stepson, Harald Quandt

Later on 1 May, Voss saw Goebbels for the last time: "While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join us. But he replied: 'The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to go because with little children I will not be able to make it, especially with a leg like mine'." On the evening of 1 May, Goebbels arranged for an SS dentist, Helmut Kunz, to inject his six children with morphine so that when they were unconscious, an ampule of a cyanide compound could be then crushed in each of their mouths. According to Kunz's later testimony, he gave the children morphine injections but Magda Goebbels and SS-Obersturmbannführer Ludwig Stumpfegger, Hitler's personal doctor, administered the cyanide.

At around 20:30, Goebbels and Magda left the bunker and walked up to the garden of the Chancellery, where they killed themselves. There are several different accounts of this event. One is that they each bit on a cyanide ampule near where Hitler had been buried and were given a coup de grâce immediately afterward. Goebbels' SS adjutant Günther Schwägermann testified in 1948 that they walked ahead of him up the stairs and out into the Chancellery garden. He waited in the stairwell and heard shots. Schwägermann then walked up the remaining stairs and, once outside, saw their lifeless bodies. Following Goebbels' prior order, Schwägermann had an SS soldier fire several shots into Goebbels' body, which did not move. In a contradictory account, SS-Oberscharführer Rochus Misch claimed that mechanic Johannes Hentschel told him that early on 2 May, Goebbels killed himself in his room in the Führerbunker, while Magda did so in the Vorbunker.

The corpses were then doused with petrol, but they were only partially burned and not buried. A few days later, the Soviets brought Voss back to the bunker to identify the Goebbels' partly burned bodies. The remains of the Goebbels family, Krebs, and Hitler's dogs were repeatedly buried and exhumed. The last burial was at the SMERSH facility in Magdeburg on 21 February 1946. In 1970, KGB director Yuri Andropov authorised an operation to destroy the remains. On 4 April 1970, a Soviet KGB team used detailed burial charts to exhume five wooden boxes at the Magdeburg SMERSH facility. They were burned, crushed, and scattered into the Biederitz river, a tributary of the nearby Elbe.

Family life

Post-reconciliation photo commissioned by Hitler, 1938

Hitler was very fond of Magda and the children. He enjoyed staying at the Goebbels' Berlin apartment, where he could relax. Magda had a close relationship with Hitler, and became a member of his small coterie of female friends. She also became an unofficial representative of the regime, receiving letters from all over Germany from women with questions about domestic matters or child custody issues.

In 1936, Goebbels met the Czech actress Lída Baarová and by the winter of 1937 began an intense affair with her. Magda had a long conversation with Hitler about it on 15 August 1938. Unwilling to put up with a scandal involving one of his top ministers, Hitler demanded that Goebbels break off the relationship. Thereafter, Joseph and Magda seemed to reach a truce until the end of September. The couple had another falling out at that point, and again Hitler became involved, insisting the couple stay together. He arranged for publicity photos to be taken of himself with the reconciled couple in October. Goebbels also had short-term affairs and relationships with numerous other women. Magda too had affairs, including a relationship with Kurt Lüdecke in 1933 and Karl Hanke in 1938.

The Goebbels family included Harald Quandt (Magda's son from her first marriage; b. 1921), plus Helga (b. 1932), Hilde (b. 1934), Helmut (b. 1935), Holde (b. 1937), Hedda (b. 1938), and Heide (b. 1940). Harald was the only member of the family to survive the war. He died in an aeroplane crash in 1967.

See also

References

Informational notes

  1. Among Goebbels' school papers offered for auction in 2012 were more than 100 love letters written between Goebbels and Stalherm. The Telegraph 2012.
  2. Hitler later removed the restriction on crucifixes, as it was damaging morale. Rees & Kershaw 2012.
  3. Rosenberg's foreign ministry retained partial control of foreign propaganda, and the Wehrmacht had its own propaganda organisation. Goebbels' department and duties also overlapped with those of Reich press chief Otto Dietrich. Longerich 2015, p. 693.
  4. ^ The MI5 website, using the sources available to Hugh Trevor-Roper (an MI5 agent and author of The Last Days of Hitler), records the marriage as taking place after Hitler had dictated his last will and testament. MI5, Hitler's Last Days

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Bibliography

Further reading

External links

Party political offices
Preceded byErnst Schlange Gauleiter of Berlin
26 October 1926–1 May 1945
Position abolished
Political offices
Position established Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda
14 March 1933–30 April 1945
Succeeded byWerner Naumann
Preceded byLudwig Steeg Stadtpräsident of Berlin
7 April 1944–1 May 1945
Succeeded byPosition abolished
Position established Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War
23 July 1944—1 May 1945
Succeeded byNone
Preceded byAdolf Hitler Chancellor of Germany
30 April 1945—1 May 1945
Succeeded byLutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk
Military offices
Preceded byNone Commander of the Volkssturm in Gau Berlin
25 September 1944—1 May 1945
Succeeded byNone
Sporting positions
Preceded byUnited States Godfrey Dewey President of Organizing Committee for Winter Olympic Games
1936
Succeeded bySwitzerland Alfred Schläppi &
Heinrich Schläppi
Preceded byUnited States George Bryant President of Organizing Committee for Summer Olympic Games
(with Karl Ritter von Halt)

1936
Succeeded byUnited Kingdom Lord Burghley
Nazism
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