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Vallabhbhai Patel (Gujarati: સરદાર વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ; Hindi: सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल; IPA: Audio file "Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel-pronunciation.ogg" not found; Sardār Vallabhbhāi Patel) (October 31 1875 – December 15 1950) was a political and social leader of India, who played a major role in the country's struggle for independence, and guided its political integration to a united, independent nation. In India and across the world, he is known as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Sardar stands for Chief in many languages of India.

Raised in the countryside of Gujarat, Vallabhbhai Patel was a self-educated and successful Gujarati lawyer, when he was inspired by the work and philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi. Patel organized the peasants of Kheda, Borsad, and Bardoli in Gujarat in non-violent civil disobedience against the oppressive policies imposed by the British Raj; in this role, he became one of the most influential leaders in Gujarat. He rose to the leadership of the Indian National Congress and was at the forefront of rebellions and political events, organizing the party for elections in 1934 and 1937, and promoting the Quit India movement. He was imprisoned by the British government on numerous occasions, especially from 1932–34 and from 1942–45.

As the first Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of India, Patel organized relief efforts for refugees in Punjab and Delhi, and led efforts to restore peace across the nation. Patel took charge of the task to forge a united India from the 565 semi-autonomous princely states and British-era colonial provinces and possessions. Using frank diplomacy backed with the option (and the use) of military action, Patel's leadership enabled the accession of almost every princely state. He is hailed by historians for his strategic use of military force to bring Junagadh and Hyderabad into the union, and for swiftly organizing the Indian intervention in Jammu and Kashmir. His admirers call him the Iron Man of India, and he is also remembered as the "patron saint" of India's civil servants for establishing modern all-India services and for preserving the independence of India's services from the elected government. Patel was one of the earliest proponents of property rights and free enterprise in India.

Early life

Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel was born at his maternal uncle's house in Nadiad, Gujarat. His actual date of birth was never officially recorded - Patel entered October 31 as his date of birth on his matriculation examination papers. He was the fourth son of Jhaverbhai, who owned a homestead, and his wife Ladba Patel. They lived in the village of Karamsad, in the Kheda district. Somabhai, Narsibhai and Vithalbhai Patel (also a future political leader) were his elder brothers. He had a younger brother, Kashibhai, and a sister, Dahiba. As a young boy, Patel helped his father in the fields, and bimonthly kept a day-long fast, abstaining from food and water - a cultural observance that enabled him to develop physical toughness. When he was seventeen years old, Patel's marriage was arranged with Jhaverba, a young girl of twelve or thirteen years from a nearby village. As per custom, the young bride would continue to reside with her parents until her husband started earning and could establish their household.

Patel travelled to attend schools in Nadiad, Petlad and Borsad, living self-sufficiently with other boys. He reputedly cultivated a stoic character — a popular anecdote recounts how he lanced his own painful boil without hesitation, even as the barber supposed to do it trembled. Patel passed his matriculation at the late age of 22; at this point, he was generally regarded by his elders as an unambitious man destined for a commonplace job. But Patel himself harboured a plan — he would study to become a lawyer, work and save funds, travel to England and study to become a barrister. Patel spent years away from his family, studying on his own with books borrowed from other lawyers, and he passed examinations within two years. Fetching Jhaverba from her parent's home, Patel set up his household in Godhra and enrolled at the bar. During the many years it took him to save money, Vallabhbhai — now a pleader — earned a reputation as a fierce and skilled lawyer. His wife bore him a daughter, Manibehn, in 1904, and later a son, Dahyabhai, in 1906. Patel also cared for a friend suffering from Bubonic plague when it swept across Gujarat. When Patel himself came down with the disease, he immediately sent his family to safety, left his home, and moved into an isolated house in Nadiad (by other accounts, Patel spent this time in a dilapidated temple); there, he recovered slowly.

Patel practised law in Godhra, Borsad and Anand, and took on the financial burdens of his homestead in Karamsad. When he had saved enough for England and applied for a pass and a ticket, they arrived in the name of "V. J. Patel," at Vithalbhai's home, who bore the same initials. Having harboured his own plans to study in England, Vithalbhai remonstrated to his younger brother that it would be disreputable for an older brother to follow his younger brother. In keeping with concerns for his family's honour, Patel allowed Vithalbhai to go in his place. He also financed his brother's stay and began saving again for his own goals.

In 1909, Patel's wife Jhaverba was hospitalized in Mumbai (then Bombay) to undergo a major surgical operation for cancer. Her health suddenly worsened, and despite successful emergency surgery, she died. Patel was given a note informing him of his wife's demise as he was cross-examining a witness in court. As per others who witnessed, Patel read the note, pocketed it and continued to intensely cross-examine the witness, and won the case. He broke the news to others only after the proceedings had ended. Patel himself decided against marrying again. He raised his children with the help of his family, and sent them to English-medium schools in Mumbai. At the age of 36, he journeyed to England and enrolled at the Middle Temple Inn in London. Finishing a 36-month course in 30 months, Patel topped his class despite having no previous college background. Returning to India, Patel settled in the city of Ahmedabad, and became one of the city's most successful barristers. Wearing European-style clothes and urbane mannerisms, he also became a skilled bridge player. Patel nurtured ambitions to expand his practise and accumulate great wealth, and to provide his children with modern education. He had also made a pact with his brother Vithalbhai to support his entry into politics in the Bombay Presidency, while Patel himself would remain in Ahmedabad and provide for the family.

Fighting for independence

At the urging of his friends, Patel won an election to become the sanitation commissioner of Ahmedabad in 1917. While often clashing with British officials on civic issues, he did not show any interest in politics. Upon hearing of Mohandas Gandhi, he joked to Mavlankar that Gandhi would "ask you if you know how to sift pebbles from wheat. And that is supposed to bring independence." But Patel was deeply impressed when Gandhi defied the British in Champaran for the sake of the area's oppressed farmers. Against the grain of Indian politicians of the time, Gandhi wore Indian-style clothes and emphasized the use of one's mother tongue or any Indian language as opposed to English — the lingua franca of India's intellectuals. Patel was particularly attracted to Gandhi's inclination to action — apart from a resolution condemning the arrest of political leader Annie Besant, Gandhi proposed that volunteers march peacefully demanding to meet her.

Patel gave a speech in Borsad in September 1917, encouraging Indians nationwide to sign Gandhi's petition demanding Swaraj — independence — from the British. Meeting Gandhi a month later at the Gujarat Political Conference in Godhra, Patel became the secretary of the Gujarat Sabha — a public body which would become the Gujarati arm of the Indian National Congress — at Gandhi's encouragement. Patel now energetically fought against veth — the forced servitude of Indians to Europeans — and organized relief efforts in wake of plague outbreaks in Ahmedabad and famine in Kheda. The crisis in the Kheda district was intense, and the peasants's plea for exemption from taxation had been turned down by British authorities. Gandhi endorsed waging a struggle there, but could not lead it himself due to his activities in Champaran. When Gandhi asked for a Gujarati activist to devote himself completely to the assignment, Patel volunteered, much to Gandhi's personal delight. Though his decision was made on the spot, Patel later said that his desire and commitment came after intensive personal contemplation, as he realized he would have to abandon his career and material ambitions.

Satyagraha across Gujarat

Supported by Congress volunteers Narhari Parikh, Mohanlal Pandya and Abbas Tyabji, Vallabhbhai Patel began a village-to-village tour in the Kheda district, documenting grievances and asking villagers for their support for a state-wide revolt by refusing the payment of taxes. Patel emphasized potential hardships and the need for complete unity and non-violence despite any provocation, and received enthusiastic responses from virtually every village. When the revolt was launched and the revenue was refused, the government sent police and intimidation squads to seize property, including confiscating barn animals and whole farms. Patel organized a network of volunteers to commuicate and work with individual villages — helping them hide valuables and protect themselves during raids, while emphasizing non-violence. Thousands of activists and farmers were arrested, but Patel was not. After the revolt began evoking sympathy and admiration across India and even with pro-British Indian politicians, the government negotiated with Patel, and decided to suspend the payment of revenue for the year, and even scaled back the rate. Patel emerged as a hero to Gujaratis, and was admired across India. In 1920, he was elected president of the newly-formed Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee — he would serve as its president till 1945.

Patel supported Gandhi's Non-Cooperation movement, and as president of the Gujarat Congress, personally led efforts across the state to recruit more than 300,000 members and raise over Rs. 1.5 million in funds. Helping organize bonfires of British goods in Ahmedabad, Patel threw in all his English-style clothes. With his daughter Mani and son Dahya, he switched completely to wearing khadi. Patel supported Gandhi's controversial suspension of resistance in wake of the Chauri Chaura incident. He worked extensively in the following years in Gujarat against alcoholism, untouchability and caste discrimination, as well as for the empowerment of women. In the Congress, he was a resolute supporter of Gandhi against his Swarajist critics. Patel was elected Ahmedabad's municipal president in 1922, 1924 and 1927 - during his terms, Ahmedabad was extended a major supply of electricity and underwent major education reforms. Drainage and sanitation systems were extended over all the city. He fought for the recognition and payment of teachers employed in schools established by nationalists (outside of British control) and even took on sensitive Hindu-Muslim issues with the overall objective of looking after the wider population of the city. Patel personally led efforts in the aftermath of the intense torrential rainfall in 1927, which had caused major floods in the city and in the Kheda district, disrupting all communications and causing great destruction of life and property. Patel established refuge centres across the district, raised volunteers, arranged for supply of food, medicines and clothing, as well as emergency funds from the government and public.

With Gandhi in prison, Patel was asked by Congressmen to lead the satyagraha in Nagpur in 1923 against a law banning the raising of the Indian flag, organizing thousands of volunteers from all over the country in processions hoisting the flag. Patel also negotiated a settlement that obtained the release of all prisoners and allowed nationalists to hoist the flag in public. Later that year, Patel and his allies uncovered evidence suggesting that the police were in league with local dacoits in the Borsad taluka even as the government prepared to levy a major tax for fighting dacoity in the area. More than 6,000 villagers assembled to hear Patel speak and supported the proposed agitation against the tax, which was deemed immoral and unnecessary. Patel organized hundreds of Congressmen, sent instructions and received information from across the district. Every village in the taluka resisted payment of the tax, and through cohesion, also prevented the seizure of property and lands. After a protracted struggle, the government withdrew the tax. Historians believe that one of Patel's key achievements was the building of cohesion and trust amongst the different castes and communities which were divided on socio-economic lines.

In April 1928, Patel returned to the freedom struggle from his municipal duties in Ahmedabad, when Bardoli suffered from a serious predicament of a famine and steep tax hike. The revenue hike was steeper than it had been in Kheda, and the famine covered a large portion of Gujarat. After cross-examining and talking to village representatives, emphasizing the potential hardship and need for non-violence and cohesion, Patel initiated the struggle — complete denial of taxes. Patel organized volunteers, camps and an information network across Bardoli, and worked to establish trust amongst different castes and communities. The revenue refusal was stronger than in Kheda, and many sympathy satyagrahas were undertaken across Gujarat. Despite arrests, seizures of property and lands, the struggle intensified. Matters reached a head in August, when through sympathetic intermediaries, Patel negotiated a settlement repealing the tax hike, reinstated village officials who had resigned in protest, returned property and lands. It was during the struggle and after the victory in Bardoli that caused intense excitment across India, that Patel was increasingly addressed by his colleagues and followers as Sardar.

Leading the Congress

As Gandhi embarked on the Dandi Salt March, Patel was arrested in the village of Ras and tried without witnesses, with no lawyer or pressman allowed to attend. Patel's arrest and Gandhi's subsequent arrest caused the Salt Satyagraha to greatly intensify in Gujarat — districts across Gujarat launched an anti-tax rebellion until and unless Patel and Gandhi were released. Once released, Patel served as interim Congress president, but was re-arrested while leading a procession in Mumbai. After the signing of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, Patel was elected Congress president for its 1931 session in Karachi — here the Congress ratified the pact, committed itself to the defence of fundamental rights and human freedoms, and a vision of a secular nation, minimum wage and the abolition of untouchability and serfdom. Patel used his position as Congress president in organizing the return of confiscated lands to farmers in Gujarat. Upon the failure of the Round Table Conference in London, Gandhi and Patel were arrested in January 1932 when the struggle re-opened, and imprisoned in the Yeravda Central Jail. During this term of imprisonment, Patel and Gandhi grew close to one another, and the two developed a close bond of affection, trust, and frankness without reserve. Historians have described this relationship as that of an elder brother — Gandhi — and his younger brother — Patel. Despite having arguments with him, Patel respected Gandhi's instincts and leadership. The two leaders would discuss national and social issues, read Hindu epics and crack jokes. Gandhi taught Patel the Sanskrit language, while his secretary Mahadev Desai kept detailed records of their conversations. When Gandhi embarked on a fast-unto-death protesting the separate electorates granted to untouchables, Patel looked after Gandhi closely and himself refrained from partaking of food. Patel was later moved to a jail in Nasik, and refused a British offer for a brief release to attend the cremation of his brother Vithalbhai, who had died in 1934. He was finally released in July of the same year.

Patel became the director of the Congress's all-India election campaign in 1934 and 1937 — he would collect funds, select candidates, determine the Congress stance on issues and opponents. Not contesting a seat for himself, Patel nevertheless guided Congressmen elected in the provinces and at the national level. In 1935, Patel underwent a piles operation, but also guided efforts against plague in Bardoli and again when a drought struck Gujarat in 1939. Patel would guide the Congress ministries that had won power across India with the aim of preserving party discipline — Patel feared that the British would use opportunities to create conflicts between elected Congressmen, and he did not want the party to be distracted from the goal of complete independence. But Patel would clash with Nehru, opposing declarations of the adoption of socialism at the 1936 Congress session, which he believed was a diversion from the main goal of achieving independence. In 1938, Patel organized rank-and-file opposition to the attempts of then-Congress president Subhash Bose to move away from Gandhi's principles of non-violent resistance. Patel considered Bose to be un-democratic and desirous of more power over the party, and he led senior Congress leaders in a protest which resulted in Bose's resignation. But criticism arose from Bose's supporters, socialists and other Congressmen that Patel himself was acting in an authoritarian manner in his defence of Gandhi's authority. When Patel had criticized Bose for talking of the mass resignation of Congressmen from elected offices and plans for a new revolt, supporters of Bose and socialist politicians accused Patel of coveting the power he exercised by monitoring and controlling the Congress ministries.

Quit India

When World War II broke out, Patel supported Nehru's decision to withdraw the Congress from central and provincial legislatures, contrary to Gandhi's advice, as well as an initiative by senior leader Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari to offer Congress's full support to Britain if it promised Indian independence at the end of the war and install a democratic government right away. Gandhi had refused to support this owing to his moral opposition to war, and Subhash Bose was in militant opposition to the British. And when the British rejected Rajagopalachari's initiative, Patel was relieved and happy to return and embrace Gandhi's leadership again. He participated in Gandhi's call for individual disobedience, and was arrested in 1940 and imprisoned for nine months. He also opposed the proposals of the Cripps' mission in 1942. Patel had lost more than twenty pounds during his period in jail, and had been suspected of suffering from colon cancer, which was found to be incorrect.

While Nehru, Rajagopalachari and Maulana Azad initally criticized Gandhi's proposal for an all-out campaign of civil disobedience to force the British to Quit India, Patel was its most fervent supporter. Arguing that the British would retreat from India as they had from Singapore and Burma, Patel stressed that the campaign start without any delay. Though knowing that the British would not quit immediately, Patel favoured an all-out rebellion that would galvanize the Indian people, who had been divided in its response to the war, and force the British to concede that continuation of colonial rule had no support in India, and thus speeden the transfer of power to Indian hands. Believing strongly in the need for revolt, Patel stated his intention to resign from the Congress if it was not approved, and Gandhi strongly pressured the All India Congress Committee, which approved the campaign on August 7, 1942 in Mumbai. Through July 1942, Patel gave emotional speeches to large crowds across India, even though his health had suffered during his stint in jail and some believed he was dying. Patel organized the Congress and the Indian people in different parts of the nation in the refusing taxes, civil disobedience, mass protests and a shut-down of all civil services, emphasizing the "all-out" nature of the revolt. Meeting Congress leaders from across the country, he raised funds and prepared a second-tier of command as a precaution against the arrest of national leaders. Patel made a climactic speech to more than 100,000 people gathered at Gowalia Tank in Mumbai on August 7:

"The Governor of Burma boasts in London that they left Burma only after reducing everything to dust. So you promise the same thing to India?... You refer in your radio broadcasts and newspapers to the government established in Burma by Japan as a puppet government? What sort of government do you have in Delhi now?...When France fell before the Nazi onslaught, in the midst of total war, Mr. Churchill offered union with England to the French. That was indeed a stroke of inspired statesmanship. But when it comes to India? Oh no! Constitutional changes in the midst of a war? Absolutely unthinkable...The object this time is to free India before the Japanese can come and be ready to fight them if they come. They will round up the leaders, round up all. Then it will be the duty of every Indian to put forth his utmost effort - within non-violence. No source is to be left untapped; no weapon untried. This is going to be the opportunity of a lifetime."

Historians believe that Patel's speech was instrumental in electrifying nationalists, who had been skeptical of the proposed rebellion. Patel's organizing work in this period is credited by historians for ensuring the success of the rebellion across India. Patel was arrested on August 9, and would be imprisoned with the entire Congress Working Committee from 1942 to 1945 at the fort in Ahmednagar. Here he would spin cloth, play bridge, read a large number of books, took long rounds of walking and practise gardening and provide emotional support to his colleagues while awaiting news and developments of the outside, which he examined and scrutinized intensely. Patel was deeply pained at the news of the deaths of Mahadev Desai and Kasturba Gandhi later in the year. But Patel wrote in a letter to his daughter that he and his colleagues were experiencing "fullest peace" for having done "their duty." Even though other political parties had opposed the struggle and the British had employed ruthless means of suppression, the Quit India movement was "by far the most serious rebellion since that of 1857," as the viceroy cabled to Winston Churchill. More than one hundred thousand people were arrested, and thousands killed in police firings. Strikes, protests and other revolutionary activities broke out across India. When Patel was released on June 15, 1945, it was with the knowledge that the British were preparing proposals to transfer power to Indian hands.

Independence and integration

Patel stepped down in favour of Nehru from the 1946 election for the Congress presidency, upon the request of Gandhi — Gandhi had declared Nehru to his "successor" in 1942. Patel had the support of 11 out of 15 Congress PCCs, while Nehru had none. The election's importance is in the fact that the elected man would lead free India's first Government. Gandhi is often criticized for not backing Patel, a battle-hardened leader who had widespread support in the Congress. But Patel respected Gandhi's judgment, and knew that he did not have Nehru's assets: health and youth, mass popularity and a likeable image with the country's Muslims and youth. Some historians argue that Gandhi asked Patel to step down as Gandhi knew that Nehru would be unlikely to accept second place, and feared a split in the Congress. However, Gandhi's real desire was that Patel and Nehru head the government together, with the distinction being only titular. After the election, Patel began directing the Congress campaign for the general elections to be held to elect the Constituent Assembly of India.

In the elections, the Congress won a large majority of the elected seats, dominating the Hindu electorate. But the Muslim League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah won a large majority of Muslim electorate seats. The League had resolved in 1940 to demand Pakistan — an independent state for Muslims — and was a fierce critic of the Congress. The Congress formed governments in all provinces save Sindh, Punjab and Bengal, where it entered into coalitions with other parties.

Cabinet mission and partition

When the British mission proposed two plans for transfer of power, there was considerable opposition within the Congress to both. The plan of May 16, 1946, proposed a loose federation with extensive provincial autonomy, and the "grouping" of provinces based on religious-majority. The plan of June 16, 1946, proposed the partition of India on religious lines, with over 600 princely states free to choose between independence or accession to either dominion. The League approved both plans, while the Congress flatly rejected the June 16 proposal. Gandhi criticized the May 16 proposal as being inherently divisive, but Patel, realizing that rejecting the proposal would mean that only the League would be invited to form a government, lobbied the Congress Working Committee hard to give its assent to the May 16 proposal. Patel engaged the British enjoys Sir Stafford Cripps and Lord Pethick-Lawrence and obtained an assurance that the "grouping" clause would not be given practical force, Patel converted Nehru, Rajendra Prasad and Rajagopalachari to accept the plan. When the League retracted its approval of the May 16 plan, the viceroy Lord Wavell invited the Congress to form the government. Under Nehru, who was styled the "Vice President of the Viceroy's Executive Council," Patel took charge of the departments of home affairs and information and broadcasting. He moved into a government house on 1, Aurangzeb Road in Delhi — this would be his residence till his death in 1950.

Vallabhbhai Patel was one of the first Congress leaders to accept the partition of India as a solution to the rising Muslim separatist movement led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He had been outraged by Jinnah's Direct Action campaign, which had provoked communal violence across India, and by the viceroy's vetoes of his home department's plans to stop the violence on the grounds of constitutionality. Patel severely criticized the viceroy's induction of League ministers into the government, and the revalidation of the grouping scheme by the British without Congress approval. Although further outraged at the League's boycott of the assembly and non-acceptance of the plan of May 16 despite entering government, he was also aware that Jinnah did enjoy popular support amongst Muslims, and that an open conflict between him and the nationalists could degenerate into a Hindu-Muslim civil war of disastrous consequences. And the continuation of a divided and weak central government would in Patel's mind, result in the wider fragmention of India by encouraging more than 600 princely states towards independence. Between the months of December 1946 and January 1947, Patel worked with civil servant V. P. Menon on the latter's suggestion for a separate dominion of Pakistan created out of Muslim-majority provinces. Communal violence in Bengal and Punjab in January and March of 1947 further convinced Patel of the soundness of partition. Patel, a fierce critic of Jinnah's demand that the Hindu-majority areas of Punjab and Bengal be included in a Muslim state, obtained the partition of those provinces, thus blocking any possibility of their inclusion in Pakistan. Patel's decisiveness on the partition of Punjab and Bengal had won him many supporters and admirers amongst the Indian public, which had tired of the League's tactics, but he was criticized by Gandhi, Nehru, secular Muslims and socialists for a perceived eagerness to do so. When Mountbatten formally proposed the plan on June 3, 1947, Patel gave his approval and lobbied Nehru and other Congress leaders to accept the proposal. Knowing Gandhi's deep anguish regarding proposals of partition, Patel engaged him in frank discussion in private meetings over the perceived practical unworkability of any Congress-League coalition, the rising violence and the threat of civil war. At the All India Congress Committee meeting called to vote on the proposal, Patel said:

"I fully appreciate the fears of our brothers from . Nobody likes the division of India and my heart is heavy. But the choice is between one division and many divisions. We must face facts. We cannot give way to emotionalism and sentimentality. The Working Committee has not acted out of fear. But I am afraid of one thing, that all our toil and hard work of these many years might go waste or prove unfruitful. My nine months in office has completely disillusioned me regarding the supposed merits of the Cabinet Mission Plan. Except for a few honourable exceptions, Muslim officials from the top down to the chaprasis (peons or servants) are working for the League. The communal veto given to the League in the Mission Plan would have blocked India's progress at every stage. Whether we like it or not, de facto Pakistan already exists in the Punjab and Bengal. Under the circumstances I would prefer a de jure Pakistan which may make the League more responsible. Freedom is coming. We have 75 to 80 percent of India which we can make strong with our own genius. The League can develop the rest of the country."

Following Gandhi's and Congress approval of the plan, Patel represented India on the Partition Council, where he oversaw the division of public assets, and selected the Indian council of ministers with Nehru. However, neither he nor any other Indian leader had foreseen the intense violence and population transfer that would take place with partition. Patel would take the lead in organizing relief and emergency supplies, establishing refugee camps and visiting the border areas with Pakistani leaders to encourage peace. Despite these efforts, estimates on the death toll vary from around two hundred thousand, to over a million people. The estimated number of refugees in both countries exceeds 15 million. Understanding that Delhi and Punjab policemen, accused of organizing attacks on Muslims, were personally affected by the tragedies of partition, Patel called out the Indian Army with South Indian regiments to restore order, imposing strict curfews and shoot-at-sight orders. Visiting the Nizamuddin Auliya Dargah area in Delhi, where thousands of Delhi Muslims feared attacks, he prayed at the shrine, visited the people and reinforced the presence of police. He suppressed from the press reports of atrocities in Pakistan against Hindus and Sikhs to prevent retaliatory violence. Establishing the Delhi Emergency Committee to restore order and organizing relief efforts for refugees in the capital, Patel publicly warned officials against partiality and neglect. When reports reached Patel that large groups of Sikhs were preparing to attack Muslim convoys heading for Pakistan, Patel hurried to Amritsar and met Sikh and Hindu leaders. Arguing that attacking helpless people was cowardly and dishonourable, Patel emphasized that Sikh actions would result in further attacks against Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan. He assured the community leaders that if they worked to establish peace and order and guarantee the safety of Muslims, the Indian government would react forcefully to any failures of Pakistan to do the same. Additionally, Patel addressed a massive crowd of an estimated 200,000 refugees who had surrounded his car after the meetings:

"Here, in this same city, the blood of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims mingled in the bloodbath of Jallianwala Bagh. I am grieved to think that things have come to such a pass that no Muslim can go about in Amritsar and no Hindu or Sikh can even think of living in Lahore. The butchery of innocent and defenceless men, women and children does not behove brave men... I am quite certain that India's interest lies in getting all her men and women across the border and sending out all Muslims from East Punjab. I have come to you with a specific appeal. Pledge the safety of Muslim refugees crossing the city. Any obstacles or hindrances will only worsen the plight of our refugees who are already performing prodigious feats of endurance. If we have to fight, we must fight clean. Such a fight must await an appropriate time and conditions and you must be watchful in choosing your ground. To fight against the refugees is no fight at all. No laws of humanity or war among honourable men permit the murder of people who have sought shelter and protection. Let there be truce for three months in which both sides can exchange their refugees. This sort of truce is permitted even by laws of war. Let us take the initiative in breaking this vicious circle of attacks and counter-attacks. Hold your hands for a week and see what happens. Make way for the refugees with your own force of volunteers and let them deliver the refugees safely at our frontier."

Following his dialogue with community leaders and his speech, no further attacks occurred against Muslim refugees, and a wider peace and order was re-established soon over the entire area. However, Patel was criticized by Nehru, secular Muslims and taxed by Gandhi over his alleged wish to see Muslims from other parts of India depart. While Patel vehemently denied such allegations, the acrimony with Maulana Azad and other secular Muslim leaders increased when Patel refused to dismiss Delhi's Sikh police commissioner, who was accused of discrimination. Hindu and Sikh leaders also accused Patel and other leaders of not taking Pakistan sufficiently to task over the attacks on their communities there, and Muslim leaders further criticized him for allegedly neglecting the needs of Muslims leaving for Pakistan, and concentrating resources for incoming Hindu and Sikh refugees. Patel clashed with Nehru and Azad over the allocation of houses in Delhi vacated by Muslims leaving for Pakistan - Nehru and Azad desired to allocate them for displaced Muslims, while Patel argued that no government professing secularism must make such exclusions. However, Patel was publicly defended by Gandhi and received widespread admiration and support for speaking frankly on communal issues and acting decisively and resourcefully to quell disorder and violence.

Political integration of India

Under the June 3 plan, more than 600 princely states were given the option of joining either India or Pakistan, or choosing independence. Indian nationalists and large segments of the public feared that if these states did not acceede, a vast majority of the people and territory would be fragmented. Patel was considered the best man for the task of achieving unification of the princely states with the Indian dominion, by the Congress as well as Lord Mountbatten and senior British officials. Gandhi had said to Patel "the problem of the States is so difficult that you alone can solve it". He was considered a statesman of integrity with the practical acumen and resolve to accomplish a monumental task. Patel asked V. P. Menon, a senior civil servant with whom he had worked over the partition of India, to become his right-hand as chief secretary of the States Ministry. On May 6, 1947, Patel began lobbying the princes, attempting to make them receptive towards dialogue with the future Government and trying to forestall potential conflicts. Patel used social meetings and unofficial surroundings to engage most monarchs, inviting them to lunch and tea at his home in Delhi. At these meetings, Patel stated that there was no inherent conflict between the Congress and the princely order. Nonetheless, he stressed that the princes would need to accede to India in good faith by August 15, 1947. Patel invoked the patriotism of India's monarchs, asking them to join in the freedom of their nation and act as responsible rulers who cared about the future of their people. He persuaded the princes of 565 states of the impossibility of independence from the Indian republic, especially in the presence of growing opposition from their subjects. He proposed favourable terms for the merger, including creation of privy purses for the descendants of the rulers. While encouraging the rulers to act with patriotism, Patel did not rule out force, setting a deadline of August 15, 1947, for them to sign the instrument of accession document. All but three of the states willingly merged into the Indian union - only Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not fall into his basket.

Junagadh was especially important to Patel, since it was in his home state of Gujarat. The Nawab had under pressure from Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto acceded to Pakistan. It was however, quite far from Pakistan and 80% of its population was Hindu. Patel combined diplomacy with force, demanding that Pakistan annul the accession, and that the Nawab accede to India. He sent the Army to occupy three principalities of Junagadh to show his resolve. Following wide-spread protests and the formation a civil government, or Arzi Hukumat, both Bhutto and the Nawab fled to Karachi, and under Patel's orders, Indian Army and police units marched into the state. A plebiscite later organized produced a 99.5% vote for merger with India. In a speech at the Bahauddin College in Junagadh following the latter's take-over, Patel emphasized his feeling of urgency on Hyderabad, which he felt was more vital to India than Kashmir:

"If Hyderabad does not see the writing on the wall, it goes the way Junagadh has gone. Pakistan attempted to set off Kashmir against Junagadh. When we raised the question of settlement in a democratic way, they (Pakistan) at once told us that they would consider it if we applied that policy to Kashmir. Our reply was that we would agree to Kashmir if they agreed to Hyderabad."

Hyderabad was the largest of the princely states, and included parts of present-day Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Maharashtra states. Its ruler, the Nizam was Muslim, although over 80% of its people were Hindu. The Nizam sought independence or accession with Pakistan. Militant Muslims called the Razakars, under Qasim Razvi pressed the Nizam to hold out against India, while organizing attacks with militant Communists on people on Indian soil. Even though a Standstill Agreement was signed due to the desperate efforts of Lord Louis Mountbatten to avoid a war, the Nizam rejected deals and changed his positions. In September 1948, Patel emphasized in Cabinet meetings that India should take no more, and reconciled Nehru and the Governor-General, Chakravarti Rajgopalachari to military action. Following preparations, Patel ordered the Indian Army to integrate Hyderabad (in his capacity as Acting Prime Minister) when Nehru was touring Europe. The action was termed Operation Polo, in which thousands of Razakar militants had been killed, but Hyderabad was comfortably secured into the Indian Union. The main aim of Mountbatten and Nehru in avoiding a forced annexation was the prevention an outbreak of Hindu-Muslim violence. Patel insisted that if Hyderabad was allowed to continue with its antics, the prestige of the Government would fall and then neither Hindus nor Muslims would feel secure in its realm. The successful integration was praised by many Indian Muslim leaders, and there were no episodes of civil violence. Despite his anger at the Nizam, Patel retained him as the ceremonial chief of state, and held talks with him where the Nizam apologized to Patel, who graciously defused the rivalry.

Leading India

Governor General Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Nehru and Patel formed the triumvirate which ruled India from 1948 to 1950. Prime Minister Nehru was intensely popular with the masses, but Patel enjoyed the loyalty and faith of rank-and-file Congressmen, state leaders and India's civil services. Patel was a senior leader in the Constituent Assembly of India and was responsible in a large measure for shaping India's constitution. Patel was a key force behind the appointment of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar as the chairman of the drafting committee, and the inclusion of leaders from a diverse political spectrum in the process of writing the constitution.

Patel was the chairman of the committees responsible for minorities, tribal and excluded areas, fundamental rights and provincial constitutions. Patel piloted a model constitution for the provinces in the Assembly, which contained limited powers for the state governor, who would defer to the President - he clarified it was not the intention to let the governor exercise power which could impede an elected government. He worked closely with Muslim leaders to end separate electorates and the more potent demand for reservation of seats for minorities. Patel would hold personal dialogues with leaders of other minorities on the question, and was responsible for the measure that allows the President to appoint Anglo-Indians to Parliament. His intervention was key to the passage of two articles that protected civil servants from political involvement and guaranteed their terms and privileges. He was also instrumental in the founding the Indian Administrative Service and the Indian Police Service, and for his defence of Indian civil servants from political attack, he is known as the "patron saint" of India's services. When a delegation of Gujarati farmers came to him citing their inability to send their milk production to the markets without being fleeced by middlemen, Patel exhorted them to organize the processing and sale of milk by themselves, and guided them to create the Kaira District Co-operative Milk Producers' Union Limited, the forefather of the Amul milk products brand. Patel also pledged the reconstruction of the ancient but dilapidated Somnath Temple in Saurashtra — he oversaw the creation of a public trust and restoration work, and pledged to dedicate the temple upon the completion of work (the work was completed after Patel's death, and the temple was inaugurated by the First President of India Dr. Rajendra Prasad).

When Pakistani tribesmen and soldiers under Major General Akbar Khan invaded Kashmir in September 1947, Patel immediately wanted to send troops into Kashmir. But agreeing with Nehru and Mountbatten, he waited till Kashmir's monarch had acceded to India. Patel then oversaw India's military operations to secure Srinagar, the Baramulla Pass and the forces retrieved a lot of territory from the invaders. Patel, along with Defence Minister Baldev Singh administered the entire military effort, arranging for troops from different parts of India to be rushed to Kashmir and for a major military road connecting Srinagar to Pathankot be built in 6 months. Patel strongly advised Nehru against going for arbitration to the United Nations, insisting that Pakistan had been wrong to support the invasion and the accession to India was valid. He did not want foreign interference in a bilateral affair. Patel opposed the release of Rs. 55 crores to the Government of Pakistan, convinced that the money would go to finance the war against India in Kashmir. The Cabinet had approved his point, but it was all reversed when Gandhi went on a fast-unto-death to obtain the release. Gandhi was worried that economic turmoil in Pakistan would make it more aggressive, increasing Hindu-Muslim violence which had already killing 1 million people and was just calming down. Gandhi obtained the release, as well as a commitment from Hindus and Muslims of Delhi to end all communal violence. Patel, though not estranged from Gandhi, was deeply hurt at the rejection of his counsel and a Cabinet decision.

In 1949, a crisis arose when the number of Hindu refugees entering West Bengal, Assam and Tripura from East Pakistan climbed over 800,000. The refugees in many cases were being forcibly evicted by Pakistani authorities, and were victims of intimidation and violence. Nehru invited Liaquat Ali Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan to find a peaceful solution. Despite his aversion, Patel reluctantly met Khan and discussed the matters. Patel strongly criticized, however, Nehru's intention to sign a pact that would create minority commissions in both countries and pledge both India and Pakistan to a commitment to protect each other's minorities. Patel, amongst others saw this as appeasement. Syama Prasad Mookerjee and K.C. Neogy, two Bengali ministers resigned from the Cabinet, and Nehru was intensely criticized in West Bengal. The pact was immediately in jeopardy. Patel however, publicly came out to Nehru's aid. He gave emotional speeches to members of Parliament, and the people of West Bengal, and spoke with scores of delegations of Congressmen, Hindus, Muslims and other public interest groups, persuading them to give peace a final effort. The pact was approved and within a year, most of the Hindu refugees had returned to East Pakistan.

Gandhi's death and relations with Nehru

Patel was intensely loyal to Gandhi, and both he and Nehru looked to him to arbitrate disputes. However, Nehru and Patel themselves sparred over national issues, and Nehru asserted his own control over Kashmir policy while Patel objected to Nehru sidelining his Home Ministry's officials. Nehru felt offended by Patel's decision-making regarding the states' integration without consulting either him or the Cabinet. Patel asked Gandhi to relieve him of his obligation to serve. He knew that he lacked Nehru's youth and popularity, and believed that an open political battle would hurt India. After much personal deliberation and contrary to Patel's prediction, Gandhi on January 30, 1948 told Patel not to leave the Government, and to stay by Nehru's side in joint leadership. A free India, according to Gandhi, desperately needed both Patel and the joint leadership. Patel was the last man to privately talk with Gandhi, who was assassinated just minutes after Patel's departure. Gandhi's death deeply hurt Patel; at Gandhi's wake, Nehru and Patel embraced each other and addressed the nation together. Patel gave solace and support to many associates and friends and immediately moved to forestall any possible violence. Within two months of Gandhi's death, Patel suffered a major heart attack; the timely action of his daughter, his secretary, and nurse saved Patel's life. Speaking later, Patel attributed the attack to the "grief bottled up" due to Gandhi's death.

Criticism soon arose from the media and other politicians that Patel's home ministry had failed to protect Gandhi. Emotionally exhausted, Patel tendered a letter of resignation, offering to leave the Government — despite his word to Gandhi — desiring not to embarrass Nehru's administration. Patel's secretary convinced him to withhold the letter, seeing it as fodder for Patel's political enemies and political conflict in India. Nehru sent Patel a letter dismissing any question of personal differences and his desire for Patel's ouster. He reminded Patel of their thirty-year partnership in the freedom struggle, and that after Gandhi's death, it was especially wrong for them to quarrel. He was publicly defended by Nehru, Rajagopalachari and other Congressmen. Moved, Patel personally and publicly endorsed Nehru's leadership and refuted any suggestion of discord. Patel publicly dispelled any notion that he would like to be India's Prime Minister. He recognized both Nehru's importance and the vow he made to Gandhi. Though the two committed themselves to joint leadership and non-interference in Congress affairs, they would criticize each other in matters of policy, and clashed on the issues of Hyderabad's ingration and UN mediation in Kashmir. Nehru declined Patel's counsel on sending assistance to Tibet after its 1950 invasion by the People's Republic of China and ejecting the Portuguese from Goa by military force.

When Nehru pressured Dr. Rajendra Prasad to decline a nomination to become the first President of India in 1950 in favour of Rajagopalachari, he thus angered the party, which felt Nehru was attempting to impose his will. Nehru sought Patel's help in winning the party over, but Patel declined, and Prasad was duly elected. When Nehru opposed the 1950 Congress presidential candidacy of Purushottam Das Tandon, a conservative Hindu leader, he endorsed Jivatram Kripalani and threatened to resign if Tandon was elected. Patel rejected Nehru's views and endorsed Tandon in Gujarat, where Kripalani received not one vote despite hailing from that state himself. Patel believed Nehru had to understand that his will was not law with the Congress, but he personally discouraged Nehru from resigning after the latter felt that the party had no confidence in him.

Death

On March 29 1949, authorities lost radio contact with a plane carrying Patel, his daughter Manibehn and the Maharaja of Patiala, and their lives were feared for. One of the plane's engines had failed, and the pilot made an emergency landing in a desert area in Rajasthan after experiencing engine failure — Patel and all passengers were safe, and later tracked down a nearby village and local officals. Patel had an emotional reunion with V. P. Menon, who had rushed down to Rajasthan, and when he returned to Delhi, members of Parliament and thousands of Congressmen gave him a raucous welcome. In Parliament, MPs gave a long, stand ovation to Patel, stopping proceedings for half an hour. Patel was honoured by members of Parliament, and awarded doctorates of laws by the universities of Punjab, Nagpur and Osmania.

Patel's family and personal staff became alarmed as Patel, whom they knew to be very sharp and alert, began failing to remember details in the summer of 1950. He began coughing blood, and Manibehn began limiting his meetings and working hours. Manibehn and Bidhan Roy heard Patel make jokes about his impending end, and he told N. V. Gadgil candidly that he wasn't going to live much longer. Until his last few days, he was at work in Delhi. Patel's health worsened after November 2, and he was flown to Mumbai on December 12 to recuperate at his son Dahyabhai's flat — his condition deemed critical, Nehru and Rajagopalachari came to the airport to see him off. After suffering a massive heart attack — his second — he died on December 15, 1950. In an unprecedented and unrepeated gesture, on the day after his death more than 1,500 officers of India's civil and police services congregated to mourn at Patel's residence in Delhi and pledged "complete loyalty and unremitting zeal" in India's service. His cremation in Sonapur, Mumbai, was attended by large crowds, Nehru, Rajagopalachari, President Prasad and many Congressmen and freedom fighters.

Legacy and commemoration

During his lifetime, Vallabhbhai Patel received criticism of an alleged bias against Muslims during the time of partition. He was criticized by nationalist Muslims such as Maulana Azad as well as Hindu nationalists for hastily and readily plumping for partition. Patel was also criticized by Subhash Bose and other politicians for acting coercively to put down politicians not supportive of Gandhi. The socialist politicians such as Jaya Prakash Narayan and Asoka Mehta criticized him for his personal proximity to Indian industrialists such as the Birla and Sarabhai families, and for his belief in free enterprise and right-wing economic policies. Some historians have criticized Patel's actions on the integration of princely states as undermining the right of self-determination for those states.

However, Patel is credited by his peers and historians as being almost single-handedly responsible for unifying India on the eve of independence. He won the admiration of many Indians for speaking frankly on the issues of Hindu-Muslim relations, and not being shy about using military force to integrate India. His skills of leadership and practical judgement were hailed by British statesmen — his opponents in the freedom struggle — such as Lord Wavell, Cripps, Pethick-Lawrence and Mountbatten. Some historians and admirers of Patel such as Rajendra Prasad and industrialist J.R.D. Tata have expressed opinions that Patel would have made a better and more successful prime minister for India than Nehru. Nehru's critics and Patel's admirers cite Nehru's belated embrace of Patel's advice regarding the UN and Kashmir, and the integration of Goa by military action. Proponents of free enterprise cite the failings of Nehru's socialist policies as opposed to Patel's defence of property rights and his mentorship of the Amul co-operative project.

For many years after his death, there was a perceived lack of attention or effort from the Government of India, the national media and the Congress party regarding the commemoration of Patel's life and work. Lionized, however, as a hero in Gujarat, his birthplace in Karamsad is still preserved in his memory. The Sardar Patel University and the Sardar Patel College of Engineering are among the nation's premier institutions, while the prestigious Sardar Patel Vidyalaya was established in 1960 in New Delhi. The Sardar Patel National Memorial was established in 1980 at the Moti Shahi Mahal in Shahibaug, Ahmedabad. Patel was officially awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian honor, posthumously in 1991. Patel's official birthday, October 31 each year is Sardar Jayanti. A major initiative of projects to build dams, canals and hydroelectric power plants on the Narmada river valley to provide a tri-state area with drinking water, electricity and increase agricultural production was christened the Sardar Sarovar.

In Richard Attenborough's Gandhi (1982), Saeed Jaffrey portrayed Patel. In 1993, the biopic Sardar was produced and directed by Ketan Mehta and featured noted Indian actor Paresh Rawal as Patel; it focused on Patel's leadership in the years leading up the Indian independence, especially the partition of India, India's political integration, and Patel's relationship with Nehru.

Among Patel's surviving family, Manibehn Patel lived in a flat in Mumbai for the rest of her life following her father's death; she often led the work of the Sardar Patel Memorial Trust — which organizes the prestigious annual Sardar Patel Memorial Lectures — and other charitable organizations. Dahyabhai Patel was a businessman who eventually was elected to serve in the Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Indian Parliament) as an MP in the 1960s.

Notes

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1. Gandhi, Rajmohan (1990). Patel: A Life. India: Navajivan. p. 3. ASIN B0006EYQ0A.
2. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 7.
3. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 14.
4. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 13.
5. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 16.
6. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 21.
7. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 23.
8. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 33.
9. Patel, R. Hind Ke Sardar. p. 33.
10. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 43.
11. Parikh. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel (1). p. 55.
12. Patel, R. Hind Ke Sardar. p. 39.
13. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 65.
14. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 66–68.
15. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 91.
16. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 134.
17. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 138–141.
18. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 119–125.
19. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 149–151.
20. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 168.
21. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 193.
22. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 206.
23. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 221–222.
24. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 226–229.
25. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 248.
26. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 266.
27. Parikh. Patel (2). pp. 434–436.
28. Parikh. Patel (2). pp. 447–479.
29. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 311–312.
30. Nandurkar. Sardarshri Ke Patra (2). p. 301.
31. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 313.
32. Parikh. Patel (2). pp. 474–477.
33. Parikh. Patel (2). pp. 477–479.
34. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 316.
35. Sitaramayya. Feathers and Stones. p. 395.
36. Sitaramayya. Feathers and Stones. p. 13.
37. Nandurkar. Sardarshri Ke Patra (2). p. 390.
38. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 318.
39. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 467.
40. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 395–397.
41. Menon, V. P. Transer of Power in India. p. 385.
42. "Matthew White", Users.Erols.com. ""Secondary Wars and Atrocities of the Twentieth Century"". Retrieved 2006-04-20.
43. "Postcolonial Studies" project, Department of English, Emory University. ""The Partition of India"". Retrieved 2006-04-20.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
44. Shankar, Vidya. Reminiscences (1). pp. 104–05.
45. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 406.
46. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 438.
47. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 438.
48. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 480.
49. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 481–482.
50. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 483.
51. ^ UNI. "Sardar Patel was the real architect of the Constitution" (HTML). Rediff.com. Retrieved 2006-05-15.
52. Munshi, K.M. Pilgrimage. p. 207.
53. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 455.
54. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 463.
55. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 497.
56. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 498.
57. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 499.
58. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 459.
59. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 467.
60. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 467–469.
61. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 472–473.
62. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 469–470.
63. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 469–470.
64. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 508–512.
65. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 523–524.
66. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 504–506.
67. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. 494–495.
68. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 530.
69. Panjabi, Indomitable Sardar, pp. 157-58
70. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. p. 533.
71. Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life. pp. ix.

References

External links

• Sardar Patel
• National Integration of India
• Operation Polo
• Sardar Patel at NIC
• Patel biography
• Sardar Patel Award

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• 1875 births
• 1950 deaths
• Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel