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Telangana Rebellion
Map of the State of Hyderabad
Date 1946–1951 Location Divisions of Warangal and Gulshanabad
Belligerents
Telangana peasants Communist Party of India Andhra Mahasabha	Hyderabad State Zamindars of Hyderabad Razakar movement
Commanders and leaders
	Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan

The Telangana Rebellion also known as the Telangana Uprising, or the Telangana Armed Struggle, was an insurrection of peasants led by the Communist Party of India and the Andhra Mahasabha, against Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad, the zamindars (transl. feudal landlords) of the Hyderabad State, and the Razakars, a radical paramilitary group organised by the Ittehad (transl. Coalition). The insurrection occurred in an area of over 16,000 square miles (41,000 km), covering 3,000 villages and involved over 3 million people.

Background

Feudal system

The princely state of Hyderabad retained a feudal system in its agrarian economy, it had two main types of land tenure, diwani or khalsa and a special category of land called jagirs. Sarf-e-khas were jagir lands held as the crown lands of the Nizam of Hyderabad and the remaining were granted to aristocrats called jagirdars based on their rank and order. The civil courts had no jurisdiction over the jagir lands which allowed the jagirdars to imposes various forms of exorbitant arbitrary taxes on the peasants and extract revenue through private agents. The diwani tenures resembled the ryotwari system introduced by the British in other parts of the country, it had hereditary revenue collectors; deshmukhs and deshpandes who were granted land annuities called vatans, based on past revenue collections. The system turned them into a hybrid of a feudal lord and a bureaucrat, whose influence enabled them to frequently acquire more lands and push peasants into the status of tenants and landless labourers. The jagirs and diwani tenures respectively comprised around 30% and 60% of the territory of Hyderabad State.

The feudal system was particularly harsh in the Telangana region of the state. The powerful deshmukh and jagirdar aristocracy, locally called durras additionally functioned as money lenders and as the highest village official. The durras employed variants of the jajmani system called vetti and baghela which forced families of peasants into bonded servitude by means of customary and debt obligations respectively. The jagirdars were predominantly Brahmin, supplanted by the emergence of Kamma and Reddy deshmukhs. Markets and major businesses were controlled by Marwadi and Komti durras. In contrast, the bulk of the peasantry came from disparate caste backgrounds and even included Brahmins, Reddys, Kammas and Komtis. The tribals such as Chenchus, Koyas, Lambadis, Konda Reddis, etc and untouchables like the Malas and Madigas were among the most impoverished and particularly vulnerable to severe forms of exploitation by durras including agricultural slavery. The anti–slavery legislations were largely unenforced in the British Indian Empire and officials instead reprimanded for mentioning slaves in documentation.

Telangana had higher concentration of land in the hands of a small group of landed magnates than the other regions, they owned vast tracts of lands covering several villages and thousands of acres. The land concentration was most pronounced in the districts of Nalgonda, Mahbubnagar and Warangal, which later become the epicenter of the insurrection. The peasants were largely dependent on affluent urban interests, mostly composed of Marwadis, Komtis, Brahmins and upper caste Muslims, who controlled the centralised markets in Telangana. Land alienation continued to increase between 1910 and 1940 as more land was passed to either to the urban interests and aristocratic durra landlords or to Marwadi and Maratha sahukars (money-lenders), peasants with small landholding were pushed into landless agricultural labour or tenancy at will. The system of subsistence farming gave way for commercial crops strengthening the hold of traders and sahukars over the peasants, which was particularly worsened during the Great Depression. The period saw also the rise of a section of well-to-do pattadars, landowning peasants who began employing landless labourers of their own although it largely did not change the landlord–tenant relations in the region and they too were severely affected after the depression.

Communist mobilisation

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Communists had been active in the Telugu speaking Godavari–Krishna delta region of the neighbouring Madras Presidency since 1934 and largely organised through peasants organisations such as the Andhra Mahasabha (Madras), the All India Kisan Sabha and the Indian Peasant Institute. The first incursion of the communist movement in Telangana as a result occurred in the Madhira–Khammam area of Warangal district, through peasants who had settled down at Wyra and Paleru irrigation projects, from influence of their relatives in coastal Andhra on them. The first communist organisation were established in Warangal and Nalgonda districts through the efforts of Chandra Rajeswara Rao, a peasant working in Mungala. The Regional Committee of the Communist Party of India in Telangana was established under the leadership of Pervaelli Venkataramanaiah in 1941.

The students movement contributed significantly to the growth of the communist movement, disillusioned with Gandhian satyagraha politics and having gained experience through the Vandemataram protests, a number of radical progressive student organisations were established which eventually merged together to form the All Hyderabad Students Union in January 1942. Devulapalli Venkateswara Rao, a former student agitator during the Vandemataram protests was instrumental in building up the Communist Party in the districts of Warangal and Nalgonda. The nationalist, progressive and secular intelligentsia in the city of Hyderabad turned towards political radicalism as well, through the influential Naya Adab (New Salute) which promoted communism in literature, and through the Comrades Association initially formed in reaction to the growth of communal sectarian organisations, which became communist under the leadership of Raj Bahadur Gour and Makhdoom Mohiuddin.

In the meantime, the Andhra Conference which was a cultural-literary forum acting as a mask organisation for the Hyderabad State Congress, was overtaken by communists. It recruited students from colleges, but was controlled by a conservative liberal and moderate leadership over whom the Hindu durra aristocracy had a strong influence and who advocated restraint opposing activities against the "law and order" of the state. Following the withdrawal of a satyagraha movement for constitutional reforms in 1938–39 as a result of instructions of the national leadership, the Congress was largely discredited for its younger left wing members. Convinced that the expulsion of the Niizam along with all the elites was a necessity for effective democratic gains, the left wing faction decided to fight against the feudal system, began embracing communism and started building up the organisation in the villages from 1941 onwards. They reduced the enrolment fee by one-fourth, encouraged participation from the landless and impoverished sections of the population and took up causes of peasants such as the abolition of vetti, prevention of rack-renting and eviction of tenants, occupancy (patta) rights of cultivating tenants and reduction in taxes, revenue demands and rents, among others.

The Andhra Conference which was previously seen as a durra's organisation grew in popularity among the peasants and started being referred to as the Andhra Mahasabha (AMS) in Telangana, while prominent feminists disillusioned with the Congress formed the Mahila Navjeevan Mandali in 1941, joined the AMS and eventually became members of the Communist Party by 1943. Venkateshwara Rao directly recruited disillusioned Congress members and sympathisers into the Communist Party during the same period. Initially faced with opposition from the moderate leadership, landlords organisations such as the Agriculturalists Association and through heavy political repression from the government, the AMS was slowly transformed into a militant mass organisation opposed to the Nizamate with a coalition of peasants, the working class, the middle class and youths as its member. The process was completed in the 1944 Bhongir session of the AMS when two young communists, Ravi Narayan Reddy and Baddam Yella Reddy were respectively elected as the president and secretary. The moderates expecting a rout, resigned from their offices, boycotted the election and later formed a marginal splinter organisation, giving the communists free reign over the primary AMS.

Between 1944 and 1946, the communist movement became widespread in the Telangana countryside. The Andhra Conference controlled by communists substantially increased its membership in the districts of Nalgonda, Warangal and Karimnagar. The movement formed a class alliance between disparate caste groups, the middle peasantry with small landholdings and the rural poor and landless labourers. Numerous villages were enmeshed with communist organisations, agrarian radicalism was heightened and a mass movement developed with a series of agrarian agitations against the durra aristocrats since 1944. The agitations were non-violent and employed tactics such as non cooperation, withdrawal of services and refusal to pay technically illegal taxes, usually demanding the implementation of existent laws which were unenforced. The very presence of large organised groups within the villages intimidated the landlords and the administration, and the police and private militias of the landlords increasingly started resorting to violent attacks on the agitators. Hyderabad State passed a legislation for minimum tenurial security in 1945, which only worsened conditions as landlords resorted to frequent mass evictions to prevent accrual of tenancy rights. The agrarian distress was further aggravated by price rise and food scarcity after the Second World War. Post–war economic distress and political developments played a catalytic role in a feudal system already conductive for an insurrection.

Rebellion

Spontaneous uprising

These deshmukhs, jagirdars, and doras were predominantly from the Deshastha, Reddy, Kamma, Muslim, and Velama social groups. But this peasant rebellion was more of a class conflict than caste conflict because people from the same communities often fought on different sides of the rebellion, such as Reddy farmers fighting Reddy landlords in Telangana.

Chakali Ilamma, who belonged to the Rajaka caste, had revolted against the zamindar Ramachandra Reddy, during the struggle when he tried to take her 4 acres of land. Her revolt inspired many to join the movement. The agitation led by communists was successful in taking over 3000 villages from the feudal lords and 10,00,000 acres of agriculture land was distributed to landless peasants. However, the Dalits that had fought alongside peasants in the armed squads were still practically left landless, with nothing but common and waste lands. Around 4000 peasants lost their lives in the struggle fighting feudal private armies.

Conflict with Razakars

It later became a fight against Nizam Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII. The initial modest aims were to do away with the illegal and excessive exploitation administered by these feudal lords in the name of bonded labour. The most strident demand was for the elimination of all debts of the peasants that were manipulated by the feudal lords. The Indian government sent the army in September 1948 to annex Hyderabad. Among the well-known individuals at the forefront of the movement were Ravi Narayana Reddy, Maddikayala Omkar, Maddikayala Lakshmi Omkar, Puchalapalli Sundarayya, Pillaipalli Papireddy, Makhdoom Mohiuddin, Sulaiman Areeb, Hassan Nasir, Manthrala Adi Reddy, Mallu Swarajyam, Mallu Venkata Narasimha Reddy, Bhimreddy Narasimha Reddy, Nandyala Srinivasa Reddy, Aruthula Kamaladevi and Bikumalla Sathyam. The Communist party had already instigated the peasants to use guerrilla tactics against the Razzakars and around 3000 villages (about 41000 km) had come under peasant rule.

Communes and guerilla squads

Sttructure and organisation

The landlords were either killed or driven out and the land was redistributed. These victorious villages established communes reminiscent of Soviet mirs to administer their region. These community governments were integrated regionally into a central organization. The rebellion was led by the Communist Party of India under the banner of Andhra Mahasabha.

Role of women

Financing and arms supplies

Decline of the insurrection

The rebellion and the subsequent police action led to the capture of Hyderabad state from the Nizam's rule on 17 September 1948 and after a temporary military administration, it was merged into India. In the process tens of thousands of people lost their lives, the majority that died during the army's movement being Muslims. According to the Sunderlal report, which has not been officially released, around 50,000 Muslims were massacred. Other estimates by responsible observers run as high as 200,000.

Though once banned in the State, Communist activities were legalized in the face of Indian aggression in 1948. The violent phase of the movement ended in 1951, when the last guerilla squads were subdued in the Telangana region. The last Nizam Asaf Jah VII was made the Rajpramukh of the Hyderabad State from 26 January 1950 to 31 October 1956.

Aftermath

The 1952 elections led to the victory of the Congress party in Hyderabad state. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was first Chief Minister of the Hyderabad state from 1952 to 1956. In 1956, Hyderabad State was merged with Andhra State to form Andhra Pradesh. It was again separated from Andhra Pradesh to establish the State of Telangana in 2014.

The Communist Party of India, although weak today, still retains strong support in the grassroots of Telangana. Puchchalapalli Sundaraiah went on to become the first leader of opposition in independent India. The revolt ensured the Communist Party in Andhra Pradesh gained significant number of seats in the 1952 elections. Land reforms were recognised as important and various acts were passed to implement them.

In popular culture

• Krishan Chander's famous Hindi/Urdu novella Jab Khet Jage was based on the Telangana Rebellion.
• Palletoori Pillagada was a famous song during the rebellion, written by Suddala Hanmanthu.
• The cinematographer Rajendra Prasad made his first feature film Nirantharam (1995), in Telugu on the Telangana Rebellion, starring Raghuvir Yadav and Chinmayee Surve.

See also

• Peasant revolts
• Hyderabad State
• Operation Polo
• Comrades Association
• Tebhaga Movement

References

Notes

1. The first communist connection likely established between Veerlapadu village (Nandigama taluq) in Krishna district and Allinagaram village (Madhira taluq) in Warangal district.
2. The first communist units were formed in 1940 after Devulapalli Venkateswara Rao, Pervaelli Venkataramanaiah, Sarvadevabhatla Ramanadham, Chirravuri Lakshminarasaiah established contact with Chandra Rajeswara Rao.
3. Naya Abad developed around the newspapers Rayyat edited by Mandumulu Narsing Rao and Payyam edited by Khaji Abdul Gafoor.
4. The Muslim supremacist organisation of Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen and reactionary Hindu nationalist organisations like the Hindu Mahasabha and the Arya Samaj were influential in the city of Hyderabad.
5. The left wing faction within the AMS was led by Ravi Narayan Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Arutla Ramachandra Reddy.

Citations

1. ^ Motta, S.; Nilsen, A. Gunvald, eds. (2011). Social Movements in the Global South: Dispossession, Development and Resistance. Rethinking International Development. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 231. ISBN 978-0-230-30204-4.
2. Ratnam, S. Venkata (2016). Role of Women in Telangana Armed Struggle. Research India Press. pp. 1–12. ISBN 978-93-5171-038-7.
3. Welch, Claude Emerson (1980). Anatomy of Rebellion. State University of New York Press. p. 183. ISBN 978-0-87395-441-9.
4. Omvedt, Gail (1 September 1980). "Caste, Agrarian Relations and Agrarian Conflicts". Sociological Bulletin. 29 (2): 142–170. doi:10.1177/0038022919800202. ISSN 0038-0229 – via SAGE Journals.
5. Gossman, Patricia (1992). Police Killings and Rural Violence in Andhra Pradesh. Human Rights Watch. p. 7. ISBN 978-1-56432-071-1 – via Stanford Libraries.
6. ^ Dhanagare 1983, p. 180-184.
7. ^ Dhanagare 1983, p. 184-186.
8. Sundarayya 1973, p. 8-13. sfn error: no target: CITEREFSundarayya1973 (help)
9. ^ Dhanagare 1983, p. 186-189.
10. Chatterjee 2005, p. 137-154.
11. ^ Dhanagare 1982, p. 189-193. sfn error: no target: CITEREFDhanagare1982 (help)
12. ^ Thirumali 1996, p. 164-168.
13. Dhanagre 1982, p. 189-193. sfn error: no target: CITEREFDhanagre1982 (help)
14. ^ Thirumali 1996, p. 168-174.
15. Benichou 2000, p. 164-165.
16. Benichou 2000, p. 128-131.
17. Benichou 2000, p. 164-166.
18. ^ Thirumali 1996, p. 174-177.
19. Benichou 2000, p. 147-153.
20. ^ Roosa 2001, p. 66-68.
21. Mysore Narasimhachar Srinivas (1977). Dimensions of social change in India. Indian Council of Social Science Research, Allied Publishers. p. 288. ISBN 9780836401455.
22. ^ Sharma, Chanchal Kumar; Swenden, Wilfried (7 December 2018). Understanding Contemporary Indian Federalism: Competing Perspectives, New Challenges and Future Directions. Routledge. pp. 157–158. ISBN 978-1-351-25971-2.
23. Thirumali, Inukonda (2003). Against Dora and Nizam: People's Movement in Telangana, 1939-1948. Kanishka Publishers. p. 30. ISBN 978-81-7391-579-6.
24. Satyanarayana, A. (1993). "Land, Caste And Dominance In Andhra Pradesh". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 54: 641–644. ISSN 2249-1937. JSTOR 44143038 – via JSTOR.
25. Balagopal, K.; Haragopal, G. (1988). Probings in the Political Economy of Agrarian Classes and Conflicts. Perspectives. p. 12.
26. "Demand for installing Chakali Ilamma's statue". The Hindu. Chennai, India. 1 November 2010. Archived from the original on 5 November 2010.
27. Chhotray, Vasudha (1 March 2011). The Anti-Politics Machine in India: State, Decentralization and Participatory Watershed Development. Anthem Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0-85728-841-7.
28. ^ Aiyar, SA (25 November 2012). "Declassify report on the 1948 Hyderabad massacre". Times of India. Times of India. Retrieved 10 July 2018.
29. Lele, Purushottam Shripad (1987). Dadra and Nagar Haveli: Past and Present. Usha P. Lele.
30. Wiener, Myron (8 December 2015). State Politics in India. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-7914-4.
31. "Hyderabad 1948: India's hidden massacre". BBC News. 24 September 2013.
32. K. Menon, Amarnath (31 December 2007). "The red revolt" (Text). India Today. Retrieved 17 November 2013.
33. Ravikumar, Aruna (14 September 2019). "The Yoke of Oppression". The Hans India. Retrieved 20 August 2021.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
34. Dhanaraju, Vulli (2015). "Voice of the Subaltern Poet: Contribution of Suddala Hanumanthu in Telangana Peoples' Movement". Research Journal of Language, Literature and Humanities. 2 (7): 6–7. ISSN 2348-6252 – via Semantic Scholar.
35. Dundoo, Sangeetha Devi (15 June 2019). "Behind the scenes of 'Mallesham', the Telugu biopic on an ikat weaver". The Hindu. ISSN 0971-751X. Retrieved 20 August 2021.

Sources

• Dhanagare, D. N. (1983). Peasant Movements in India 1920-1950. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-562903-3.
• Roosa, John (2001). "Passive revolution meets peasant revolution: Indian nationalism and the Telangana revolt". The Journal of Peasant Studies. 28 (4). Taylor & Francis: 57–94. doi:10.1080/03066150108438783. ISSN 0306-6150.
• Thirumali, I. (1996). "The Political Pragmatism of the Communists in Telangana, 1938-48". Social Scientist. 24 (4/6): 164–183. doi:10.2307/3517795. ISSN 0970-0293 – via JSTOR.
• Elliott, Carolyn M. (1974). "Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946-51". The Journal of Asian Studies. 34 (1): 27–47. doi:10.2307/2052408. ISSN 0021-9118 – via JSTOR.
• Benichou, Lucien D. (2000). From Autocracy to Integration: Political Developments in Hyderabad State, 1938-1948. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 978-81-250-1847-6.
• Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India. Orient Blackswan. ISBN 978-81-250-2596-2.
• Chatterjee, Indrani (2005). "Abolition by denial: the South Asian example". In Campbell, Gwyn (ed.). Abolition and Its Aftermath in the Indian Ocean Africa and Asia. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-77078-5.

• Sanghatana, Stree Shakti (1989). We Were Making History: Life Stories of Women in the Telangana People's Struggle. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-86232-679-6.

• Puchalapalli, Sundarayya (February 1973). "Telangana People's Armed Struggle, 1946-1951. Part One: Historical Setting". Social Scientist. 1 (7): 3–19. doi:10.2307/3516269. JSTOR 3516269.

• Puchalapalli, Sundarayya (March 1973). "Telangana People's Armed Struggle, 1946-1951. Part Two: First Phase and Its Lessons". Social Scientist. 1 (8): 18–42. doi:10.2307/3516214. JSTOR 3516214. Archived from the original on 3 February 2014.

• Arutla, Ramachandra Reddy. Telangana Struggle Memoirs,(New Delhi: 1984). people s publishing house. OCLC 832196203.

• Thirumali, Inukonda (2003). Against Dora and Nizam: People's Movement in Telangana. Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi. ISBN 81-7391-579-2.

• P. Sundarayya, Telengana [sic] People's Struggle and Its Lessons, December 1972, Published by the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Calcutta-29.
• Telangana Movement Revisited, K. Balagopal, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 18, No. 18 (30 April 1983), pp. 709–712
• The Imperial Crisis in the Deccan, J. F. Richards, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2 (February 1976), pp. 237–256
• The Telangana Armed Struggle, Barry Pavier, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 9, No. 32/34, Special Number (August 1974), pp. 1413+1417-1420
• Anatomy of Rebellion, Claude Emerson Welch, SUNY Press, 1980 ISBN 0-87395-441-6, ISBN 978-0-87395-441-9

External links

• Mallu Swarajyam on Feudal lords

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